Case Law[2025] ZALCC 18South Africa
Khiba and Others v Van Niekerk and Others (LCC123/2023) [2025] ZALCC 18 (22 April 2025)
Headnotes
Summary: Land Reform – farm dwellers evicted under the Prevention of Illegal Eviction from and Unlawful Occupation of Land Act 19 of 1998 (“PIE Act”) - declaration that the eviction of farm dwellers under PIE Act was unlawful – broad jurisdiction of the Land Court to adjudicate matters concerning the rights of occupiers – occupiers granted restoration of their right to residence and use of land in terms of section 14 of the Extension of Security of Tenure Act 62 of 1997 (“ESTA”). No order granted in respect of Second Applicant.
Judgment
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# South Africa: Land Claims Court
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## Khiba and Others v Van Niekerk and Others (LCC123/2023) [2025] ZALCC 18 (22 April 2025)
Khiba and Others v Van Niekerk and Others (LCC123/2023) [2025] ZALCC 18 (22 April 2025)
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sino date 22 April 2025
amended on the 2 february
2026
SAFLII
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SAFLII
Policy
IN
THE LAND COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA
HELD
AT RANDBURG
CASE
NO: LCC
123/2023
(1)
REPORTABLE: YES
(2)
OF INTEREST TO OTHER JUDGES: YES
(3)
REVISED.
22
April 2025
Heard:
15 – 23 October 2024 and 21 November 2024
Reserved
– 13 January 2025
Order:
11 April 2025
Reasons:
22 April 2025
In
the matter between:
MANYAKA
CALASTINE KHIBA
First Applicant
MALEFANE
ISAAC KHIBA
Second Applicant
MALITABA
ALINA KHIBA
Third Applicant
TEFO
JOHANNES KHIBA
Fourth Applicant
and
STEPHANUS
FRANCOIS VAN NIEKERK
First Respondent
MICHAEL
VAN NIEKERK EIENDOME CC
Second Respondent
SETSOTO
LOCAL MUNICIPALITY
Third Respondent
Summary:
Land Reform – farm dwellers
evicted under the Prevention of Illegal Eviction from and Unlawful
Occupation of Land Act 19 of
1998 (“PIE Act”) -
declaration that the eviction of farm dwellers under PIE Act was
unlawful – broad jurisdiction
of the Land Court
to
adjudicate matters concerning the rights of occupiers –
occupiers granted
restoration of their
right to residence and use of land in terms of section 14 of
the
Extension of Security of Tenure Act 62 of 1997 (“ESTA”).
No order granted in respect of Second Applicant.
ORDER
1.
The eviction of the First, Third and Fourth Applicants on 6 November
2020 is declared unlawful.
2.
The above-mentioned Applicants’
rights of residence and use of land on the farm Quaggafontein 208,
District Ficksburg, Free
State Province (the farm) are restored in
terms of
section 14
of the
Extension of Security of Tenure Act 62 of
1997
in the following terms:
2.1.
The aforementioned Applicants are restored access to their
homestead site and other land used on the farm
within 14 days
from date of this order.
2.2.
The
First and Second Respondents are ordered to take such steps as
are necessary to reconstruct the demolished residential
home
within one month from the date of this order.
2.3.
The Applicants’ occupation rights and rights to use land as
previously allocated prior to eviction are hereby
restored.
2.4.
The Applicants’ services and amenities enjoyed such as
access to wood, fetching water, livestock grazing
and all
other access as previously granted are hereby restored.
3.
The Applicants are entitled to
just and equitable compensation in respect of damage to movable
property as agreed or to be
determined by the Court.
4.
There is no order in respect
of compensation for the loss of cattle.
5.
There is no order in respect of the
Second Applicant.
6.
The First and Second Respondents are
directed to pay the Applicants’ costs of suit, jointly and
severally, the one paying
the other to be absolved.
JUDGMENT
MABASA
AJ,
Introduction
[1] Can a farm
dweller and their family be lawfully evicted under PIE instead of
ESTA? This is the central question in this
case. It is a challenge to
an eviction instituted on notice of motion. The applicants seek a
declaration that their eviction under
the Prevention of Illegal
Eviction from and Unlawful Occupation of Land Act 19 of 1998 (PIE
Act) was unlawful and they request
this Court to restore their rights
under section 14 of the Extension of Security of Tenure Act 62 of
1997 (ESTA) and to interdict
further interference with their lawfully
accrued rights.
[2]
The eviction occurred on 6 November 2020, in the
middle of the Covid19 pandemic under an order granted by the
Ficksburg Magistrate’s
court under PIE against the Second
Applicant. The applicants allege that they were all evicted from the
property known as the farm
Quaggafontein 208, District Ficksburg,
Free State.
Parties
[3]
The First Applicant is Manyaka Calastine Khiba
(Mrs Khiba), a 62-year-old seasonal farm worker. The Second Applicant
is her sister’s
son, Malefane Isaac Khiba (Malefane). The Third
Applicant is Malitaba Alina Khiba (Malitaba), the daughter of another
sister.
Malitaba has two minor
children, R[...] and O[...], who were living with them on the farm.
The Fourth Applicant is her biological son, Tefo
Johannes Khiba (Tefo).
[4]
The First Respondent, Stephanus Francois van
Niekerk (Francois) is cited in his personal capacity as the son of
the previous owner
and the person in charge of the farm Quaggafontein
208, District Ficksburg, Free State (the farm.). The Second
Respondent, Michael
van Niekerk Eiendomme CC (the CC) is the owner of
the farm. The Third Respondent is the Setsoto Local Municipality (the
municipality)
who is merely cited as an interested party. The
F
irst and
S
econd
Respondents oppose the application, and I refer to them collectively
as the respondents.
Background
[5]
Mr David Pelesa Khiba (Pelesa), the brother of Mrs
Khiba, worked as a labourer on the farm from 1987. He arrived with
his wife and
mother. He passed away in 2005 and was buried on the
farm. These are common cause facts.
[6]
Mrs
Khiba alleges that she arrived on the farm in 1988 to live with
Pelesa. She says she lived with him, his wife, their mother,
Matoti,
[1]
her brother Paulos,
Malefane and Malitaba. After Pelesa’s death, the family lived
in three mud huts with their mother until
the date of eviction.
[7]
Francois
disputes that Mrs Khiba ever resided on the farm with her family.
He avers that only Malefane was in unlawful occupation
of the mud hut
on the farm, after Pelesa’s death. He says that Malefane
arrived in 2015, without consent and was accordingly
lawfully evicted
under PIE. He further contends that Malefane was the only person
living in the homestead, and that Mrs Khiba was
married to David
Jakob and lived on a neighbouring farm, Christophil.
[2]
Insofar as Malitaba is concerned, he states that she was also married
and lived with her husband on another neighbouring, farm
Jakkalsfontein. Tefo is completely unknown to him.
[8]
As a result of the disputes of fact, the matter
was referred for oral evidence. Five witnesses gave evidence for the
applicants
and three for the respondents.
[9]
Before dealing with the merits of the dispute, I
briefly consider the litigation history between the parties.
Points
in limine
[10]
The respondents raised three points
in
limine
namely,
lis
alibi pendens
, misjoinder and
jurisdiction.
[11]
During the first hearing on 12 July 2024, the
respondents abandoned the first two points
in
limine
and they warrant no further
discussion.
[12]
The respondents persisted with the point that the
Land Court lacks jurisdiction based on the argument that the
applicants were evicted
pursuant to an order granted by the Ficksburg
Magistrate’s Court under the PIE Act, and that eviction order
has not been
rescinded.
[13]
The parties were requested to file supplementary
heads dealing with jurisdiction. During a pre-trial conference held
on 24 July
2024, it was agreed that the Court’s decision on
jurisdiction should be held over pending determination of the main
dispute
in circumstances where the eviction order was granted only
against Malefane. Oral evidence was heard on 15 to 25 October 2024
(excluding
24 October 2024), and an inspection
in
loco
was conducted on 6 December 2024.
Judgment was reserved after receipt of the inspection minute on 12
January 2025.
[14]
I deal with the issue of jurisdiction below.
Issues
[15]
The remaining issues for determination were
crystalized as follows:
a.
Whether the Second Applicant was unlawfully
evicted under PIE Act?
b.
Whether the applicants were occupiers in terms of
ESTA?
c.
Whether the applicants' eviction satisfied the
requirements of ESTA?
d.
If so, what relief should be granted?
Witnesses for the
applicants
Mrs Khiba
[16]
During oral evidence Mrs Khiba testified that she
was born on Zevenfontein Farm in Ficksburg on 11 September 1957. She
is the seventh
of eleven siblings, with two born on Kromdraai and the
rest on Zevenfontein. It takes about two hours to walk from
Quaggafontein
to Zevenfontein, passing through three farms.
[17]
Mrs Khiba revealed that her parents, Malefane
Khiba and Mmatello Matoti Khiba, passed away. Her father died in 1960
and was buried
at Tefello, while her mother passed away in 2014 and
was buried at Quaggafontein. When asked if “Tefello” was
a Sothofication
of the original place name, she simply said it was
the name she had always known.
[18]
She testified to having three children, only one
of whom, Tefo Johannes Khiba, survives. Tefo is the Fourth Applicant
in this case.
Her deceased children were Dimakatso Khiba, born in
Tefeni in 1981 and buried on Quaggafontein in 2018, and Matoung
Khiba, buried
in 1985 at Tefello. She also considers Malefane Isaac
Khiba and Malitaba Alina Khiba, children of her sisters, as her own,
as they
grew up under her leadership and care.
[19]
Mrs Khiba testified that she was in Court because
Francois van Niekerk and Michael van Niekerk broke into her family’s
home
while she was away, taking all their belongings and leaving them
on the street. She explained that "Magidi" is a Sesotho
name for Magiel, their father, and Lilian was their mother. She knew
Lilian and her children, including Pule (Michael), Moshoeshoe
(Francois), Nthabiseng, Mpho and Puleng van Niekerk.
[20]
She lived at Spitzkop before moving to
Quaggafontein, although initially she could not recall the exact date
of her arrival on the
farm. She left Spitzkop because Mr Andries
Swanepoel, the owner, mistreated his workers. When she moved to
Quaggafontein, she was
accompanied by her family – there were
seven in total; her brother Pelesa, his wife Mamokethi, their mother
Matodi Matelo
Khiba, her daughter Dimakatso, a brother Phoka, and
Malefane. Tefo, who was born in June 1992, had not yet been born at
the time.
The farm owner was Magidi, who lived there with his wife
Lilian and their three children.
[21]
Her brother, Pelesa, had found accommodation for
them after an altercation with Andries Swanepoel. She worked on
Magidi’s
farm as a seasonal labourer planting potatoes. She
confirmed the presence of a dairy, but did not work in the dairy. She
stated
that cherries were grown on another farm, Straat Corner, also
owned by Magidi.
[22]
Initially, she stated the Van Niekerk twins were
born in around 1998 but later corrected herself, confirming that they
were born
in 1990, a few years after she moved there. She recalled
Magidi celebrating their birth with a braai for the men. Upon
arriving
at Quaggafontein, she found other families already living
there, including Delport Rapuleng, Themo Mofuti, Silias Siakana, and
a Rakoto.
[23]
Describing their living conditions, she stated
that her family first stayed in a shack before building a mud hut.
Some of the other
workers lived in brick houses provided by the
employer but her family constructed their own home. She lived with
her mother and
three children, while her brother and his wife resided
in a separate mud hut.
[24]
She was unfamiliar with the term "labourer’s
dwelling" and stated that there was no designated compound for
workers.
Her family brought eleven cattle from their previous home
and Magidi allocated three grazing camps for the workers.
[25]
Mrs Khiba testified that when Magidi ceased
farming and left the farm, he convened a meeting with all the male
workers, including
one who was no longer employed there. He informed
them that they could continue living on the farm but that he could no
longer
afford to pay wages, urging them to seek employment elsewhere
while maintaining their residence and the three camps. One of
the camps was where they were staying, another was ‘down there’
and the third was just across the road from where they
were staying.
She was not able to describe how large the camps or residential area
were.
[26]
She testified about a burial site on the farm,
where her brother David, her mother Matello, her younger brother
Ramoketsu and her
eldest daughter Dimakatso were laid to rest.
[27]
Regarding the farm’s subsequent operations,
she explained that after Magidi stopped farming, the land was rented
out; first
to Khumi van Der Riet from Christophil and later to Lofrie
from Harmonia, nearby farms. Her family remained on the farm
throughout
these transitions until they were forcibly evicted in
November 2020, while Lofrie was still leasing the property. During
this period,
her children attended nearby schools, beginning at
Zomerhoogte before moving on to Harmonia and other schools in the
surrounding
areas.
[28]
She testified that Magidi provided her and her
brother with two electricity meter boxes for their mud huts.
The eviction
[29]
Mrs Khiba first learned of her eviction while in
town when she received a phone call from Tswanelo Modise, who stays
on the farm,
informing her that her belongings had been placed on the
road. The goods were later collected by the municipality, but many
items
were lost or damaged when their home was demolished. She grew
emotional as she described the destruction of her property, which
included tables, her coal stove and ‘many things … when
the walls fell’. Other damaged goods were dishes,
a solar
panel and batteries. She described all the items that were being
stored at a municipal storage facility, shown to her in
photographs,
including a freezer she had purchased from Russell’s store in
Ficksburg, with a receipt dated 02/03/2019 showing
her address as
Quaggafontein Farm. She also pointed to a chest of drawers of
her brothers’, a cabinet and a dish, a
basin, a drum, clothing,
blankets, beds and a leather drum her mother used at church. Some of
their other goods were stolen, and
she reported the theft to the
police but received no response.
[30]
She was asked what happened to the cattle and she
testified that Magidi’s children took her cattle to Rosendal,
where livestock
are treated for diseases and they had to pay R29 000
to retrieve them.
[31]
She later confirmed arriving at Quaggafontein in
1988. She spoke fondly of Magidi, describing him as a kind and
respected man fluent
in Sesotho. She recalled that the name of his
father was Fanie. She lamented that living conditions worsened after
his death, particularly
due to the treatment of workers by his
children.
[32]
She recalled cooking on her coal stove, gathering
wood and cow dung with Magidi’s knowledge. She also described
how, sometimes
during school holidays, Magidi gathered the workers'
children to throw poison in the mealie fields to control pests,
rewarding
them with money.
[33]
She concluded her testimony by requesting the
return of her home and cattle, stating that she now lived on someone
else's property
in Ficksburg.
[34]
During cross-examination, inconsistencies in her
affidavits and testimony were highlighted. Counsel for the
respondents, Mr De Leeuw,
pointed out that she had stated on
affidavit that her brother started working on the farm in 1987, which
she then said was not
correct. She also acknowledged that Malefane,
whom she referred to as her son, was not biologically hers but was
raised by her
and who she regards as her son. Similarly, Malitaba,
listed as her daughter in the affidavit, was actually a sibling’s
child
whom she had also raised.
[35]
Mr De Leeuw noted a contradiction between her
affidavit and oral testimony regarding her pregnancy on arrival at
the farm, which
she admitted was incorrect. She explained that she
had signed the affidavit without reading it due to her poor eyesight
and that
she had explained what was written to her lawyer. Mr De
Leeuw put to her that he would argue that she is an unreliable
witness
having made several contradicting statements under oath.
[36]
When asked about Mr van Niekerk, she confirmed
knowing him well. He questioned her about Thabiso’s identity,
and she replied
that he was the father, commonly known as Magidi.
[37]
She was questioned about her relationship with
Lillian and testified that Lilian occasionally bought electricity for
her but that
she was not employed in Lilian’s house, contrary
to the version put to her that all female workers had to clean the
house
once or twice a month. She insisted that while she worked in
the fields, many other women worked in the house. Mr De Leeuw put to
her that Lilian would testify that she did not know her and that Mrs
Khiba did not reside there, but Mrs Khiba maintained her version
and
that Lilian knew her well.
[38]
The questioning then shifted to her relationship
with David Jakob, who worked on a neighboring farm, Christophil,
owned by Mr Khumi.
She stated that she had visited Christophil but
always returned to Quaggafontein. Mr De Leeuw put to her that that
Michael van
Niekerk would testify that he only saw her at Christophil
when doing vacation work, which she disputed, insisting that while
there
was a time she visited Christophil, she returned to
Quaggafontein where she resided first with her mother, and until her
eviction.
Mr De Leeuw put it to her that Francois van Niekerk would
testify that since 2015 only one person had lived in the mud hut,
being
Malefane and that before that, only Pelesa and her mother had
stayed there. Mrs Khiba maintained that when they arrived at
Quaggafontein, the whole family came.
[39]
Further cross-examination covered a range of
matters such as her work history planting potatoes, her signature of
documents following
the eviction and financial transactions,
including the 2019 receipt for a deep freezer. Mr De Leeuw stated
that the receipt did
not prove her residence on the farm given its
recent date, and that eviction proceedings were then pending, but she
maintained
that it listed her Quaggafontein address.
[40]
Mr De Leeuw suggested there was no evidence that
Tefo was born on the farm or attended any of the local schools. Her
response was
that Tefo gave his birth certificate to a teacher and
that many of her documents were destroyed in the eviction.
[41]
He also questioned the farm children's involvement
in fieldwork, particularly the use of poison to control pests. Mrs
Khiba insisted
the practice was safe under adult supervision, while
Mr De Leeuw put to her that it was dangerous, and that Lillian would
testify
that her husband would not have allowed it. It was also put
to her that her version of her arrival dates could not stand scrutiny
because Francois was only born in 1989. She maintained that the
family was not there when Francois was born but that she
knows the
date of their arrival as 1988.
[42]
On the events that occurred when Magied retired,
Mr De Leeuw put it to Mrs Khiba that Lillian would testify that he
only gave consent
to permanent workers to continue residing. She
maintained that she was in the hands of her brother and that even
when her brother
passed on, Magied was still there, but they were not
evicted as Magied had given them a place to stay and a camp where the
cattle
would graze. It was only when Magied passed that Lillian
and her children started to change things. She explained
further
that even after Palesa passed on, Magied asked that her
brother from Qwa-Qwa be called and it was decided that she would from
then
be responsible for the cattle. However, she confirmed that
the discussions about ongoing occupancy between Magied and the
workers only took place with the men and that she was not a permanent
worker.
[43]
During re-examination, Mrs Khiba reiterated that
her documents were lost or damaged during the eviction. She confirmed
that Magied
had called a meeting with all the men working on the farm
when he stopped farming (and permanent female employees), assuring
them
that they could continue living there but must find employment
elsewhere. She also confirmed that Pelesa’s cattle were
entrusted
to her after his passing in 2005. This was after her
brother had been called who confirmed that she was now responsible
for the
cattle. There was no reason for the cattle to be removed and
Magied agreed to this.
[44]
She stated that while some men who were allowed to
stay on the farm eventually left, Phoshoko Joseph Molete remained
despite working
elsewhere. She confirmed her inability to read
English and that she could only read Sesotho, though she never
finished school.
[45]
Mrs Khiba responded to various questions from the
Court. In doing so, she described her mud hut stating it was made out
of soil,
water and planks. She clarified that she has never been able
to read English and that before her eyesight deteriorated, she could
only read Sesotho. She had not finished her schooling. Finally, she
was asked when the cattle were removed from the farm, to which
she
answered: 2016. At that stage there were eleven cattle, three
male and eight female.
Mr Malefane Isaac
Khiba (Malefane)
[46]
Malefane testified that he was born on 29 March
1984 at Tshepedi farm. His mother is Somalefu Martha Khiba. He
explained that they
moved out of Tshepedi when he was still a baby.
He currently resides in Zone 6, Ficksburg. Prior to this, he lived on
Quaggafontein
farm, where he arrived in 1988 at the age of
approximately four years. He confirmed that Mrs Khiba, told him that
they arrived
in 1988 with the entire family, including his uncle
Pelesa, his grandmother Matello, Manyaka, Phoka, Dimakatso, and
himself.
[47]
He further testified that he grew up on the farm
and had several friends there, two of whom he named as Lefu Makweleka
and Morena
Motsekane.
[48]
He started school at Zomerhoogte in 1993 in
Substandard A (now Grade 1). When the school burned down in 1996, he
transferred to
a school on Harmonia until standard 6. He later
attended Barend van Rensburg High School.
[49]
Malefane testified that he knew the previous owner
of the farm, Mr Magiel van Niekerk, since 1988, along with his
children; Francois
(Moshoeshoe), Michael (Pule) and Lilian (Ma
Lerato). He did not know the names of the other Van Niekerk
children.
[50]
He stated that the reason why he is in Court and
his testimony involves the destruction of their property at
Quaggafontein and the
theft of their cattle on the farm.
[51]
Regarding his aunt, Mrs Khiba, he testified that
she had raised him, and he regarded her as a mother figure. She had
worked hard
to support him and his sister, Malitaba. Mrs Khiba worked
as a seasonal worker on the farm (‘piece-job’) and did
not
have many friends, her family was her focus.
[52]
He stated that Malitaba is a sister and they grew
up together. She also attended school at Zomerhoogte and later
a school
in Vereeniging. She is now married to Ezekiel Shadrach
Nthai, and they have two children. Malitaba was married in a
traditional
wedding in 2013 at Jakkalsfontein, a nearby farm.
[53]
When asked whether he had been friends with the
Van Niekerk children, Mr Khiba confirmed that he had not.
[54]
He mentioned that Tefo was a good student who also
attended Zomerhoogte, later transferring to Marallaneng School in
Ficksburg.
He provided the names of Tefo’s friends, all of whom
lived on the farm. (Pitso Sahisa, Okero Mafuti, Lerato Siso Piteng,
although some have since left. Siso Piteng remains on the farm.
[55]
He testified that his family owned 11 head of
cattle, which Francois and Michael took to the pound. He was
responsible for the cattle,
which were kept grazing on the three
camps on the farm. He also confirmed that there were several family
graves located on the
property.
[56]
During cross-examination, Malefane confirmed that
he was born in 1984 and moved to the farm in 1988, as told to him by
Mrs Khiba.
He agreed that he had no independent recollection of the
event. He acknowledged listening to her testimony in Court the
previous
day. He confirmed that while he could read English, he does
not understand it, which is why he required an interpreter.
[57]
Mr De Leeuw submitted that, while Malefane
testified that he moved to the farm in 1988 with his family, an
affidavit he signed on
14 September 2021 stated that he "joined"
his uncle. He accepted that this is not the truth and is a false
statement,
insisting that they had arrived as a family. He also
clarified that although they all stayed with his uncle, they did not
live
in the same mud hut; his uncle had his own mud hut.
[58]
Mr De Leeuw noted that his sister, Malitaba, was
not listed among those who arrived at the farm, but Malefane insisted
that he had
mentioned her. When asked whether Malitaba was born on
the farm, he confirmed that she had lived there all her life and was
born
on the farm. Mr De Leeuw pointed out that Mrs Khiba’s
testimony stated that Malitaba was born elsewhere, and a birth
certificate
confirmed that she was born in Sebokeng, not on the farm.
Malefane responded that he did not know this.
[59]
It was also put to Malefane that Zomerhoogte was a
community school and attending it did not necessarily confirm that a
person resided
on Quaggafontein farm. He maintained that he had lived
on the farm, even though children from neighboring farms like
Christophil
and Jakkalsfontein also attended Zomerhoogte.
[60]
Regarding Manyaka’s relationship with David
Jakob, Malefane said he was too young to interfere and that he was
not aware of
it. He testified that although he could not recall
exactly when Malitaba attended Zomerhoogte, he remembered that she
went to primary
school there, later transferring to Harmonia and then
to Vereeniging for high school. He stated that Malitaba eventually
returned
and married at Jakkalsfontein. He agreed that there was a
period when Malitaba was away from the farm due to attending school.
[61]
He was questioned about Tefo’s birth year,
confirming it was 1992, not 1994. He stated that Tefo started school
in SubA at
Zomerhoogte, but counsel noted that the school had burned
down in 1996, and Tefo could not have attended it in 1998 at the age
of six. Malefane explained that after the fire, shacks at
Jakkalsfontein were used as classrooms for the children from
Zomerhoogte.
It was put to him that this was inconsistent with the
evidence of moving to Harmonia.
[62]
Mr De Leeuw pointed out that Tefo was never
mentioned in any court papers or in the subsequent legal aid
application, suggesting
that Tefo never lived on the farm. Despite
this, Malefane insisted that Tefo had lived there.
[63]
Mr De Leeuw put to Malefane that Mrs Lilian would
testify that Malefane himself never lived on the farm, only visiting
his uncle
Pelesa from time to time. He disagreed, stating that he
lived there. It was put it to him that Mrs Lilian would also testify
that
she only noticed him on the farm in 2014, after his
grandmother’s death, when he occupied the mud hut without
consent, and
when the cattle were noticed grazing illegally. He
disagreed, stating that the cattle had been on the farm for a long
time.
[64]
Mr De Leeuw asked whether Francois was born when
he arrived on the farm, and he responded that he did not know. It was
put to him
that Francois and Michael would testify that they never
saw him while growing up on the farm, to which he again replied that
he
had been living there for a long time. He maintained that he knew
the late Mr van Niekerk, his wife, and their children, Francois
and
Michael, though he did not know the other children. Mr De Leeuw put
it to him that this was because, by 2014, when he unlawfully
occupied
the farm, the other Van Niekerk children no longer lived there.
Malefane however, maintained his position that he had
lived on the
farm for a long time and only knew the names of Francois and Michael.
[65]
There was no re-examination.
Mr Tefo Johannes Khiba
(Tefo)
[66]
Tefo testified that he is 32 years old, and he was
born on 14 June 1992 on Quaggafontein farm. As a child, he
played with
Francois and Michael, whom he also knew by their Sesotho
names. He confirmed that his mother is Manyaka Calastina Khiba. He
recalled
starting preschool at Jakkalsfontein, a neighboring farm
owned by Mr Henry Du Preez. Tefo expressed uncertainty as to whether
Mr
Du Preez would recognize him, as they had not seen each other for
many years, but testified that he would recognize him and that
he
knows him.
[67]
He stated that it was customary on the farm for
white people to be given black names, and Mr Du Preez was referred to
as “Mojalefa”.
Tefo further explained that at the crèche
he attended, his teacher was the mother-in-law of Malitaba, a woman
named Matsitso,
who is still residing in Ficksburg. After crèche,
he attended Zomerhoogte Primary School until Standard 5 but could not
recall the exact age at which he left. He mentioned the names of some
of his teachers, although he noted that most of them had passed
away,
and the school had since shut down.
[68]
After Zomerhoogte, he moved to Harmonia
Intermediate School for Grades 8 and 9. He named his teachers and the
principal and explained
that Harmonia is located about 11 to 12
kilometers from Quaggafontein. After completing Grade 9 in 2008, he
transferred to Marallaneng
High School in Ficksburg, where he
continued his education.
[69]
He described his early life on the farm from 1992
to 2009, playing with Francois and Michael. He knew both boys and
their parents
by their Sesotho and English or Afrikaans names. He
described Michael's father “Thabiso” as a hefty man who
drove a
white Isuzu, while Michael's mother, Lilian (also known as
"Ma Lerato"), drove a VW Microbus and transported children
to school.
[70]
Tefo shared fond memories of playing soccer and
hunting birds with Francois and Michael. He never joined them in
swimming due to
fear of water. He described Francois as shorter than
Michael. They also fished in the dam. He described the farm’s
layout,
including a T-junction, an off-ramp to the main house, and a
tree-lined path. There was a grave site and a stormwater dam near the
house.
[71]
Tefo testified that during Christmas, the Van
Niekerks would give them sweets, and Michael would sometimes join
them for African
beer. He mentioned that Michael’s mother
(Lilian) sold natural water and bred chickens which were slaughtered
and cleaned
by the women working in the house. The chickens’
feet and intestines were given to the workers. There was a structure
near
the house where belts and biltong were made. Tefo stated that
Francois and Michael knew him, though they might deny it.
[72]
He testified that his family kept cattle and
chickens and after his uncle's death, he was responsible for looking
after the cattle
and that Malefane was still in high school.
[73]
He further testified that Malitaba practically
raised him, carrying him on her back, bathing, and feeding him while
they were at
school together. Malitaba's mother was Mamotshega Khiba,
and Malefane’s mother was Malefo Khiba. Tefo's siblings,
Mmatong
and Dimakatso, both passed away, and Dimakatso was buried on
the farm in 2018.
[74]
Tefo recalled an incident where a farmworker, Mr
Mokete Letsika (whom he described as very light in complexion)
committed suicide
by hanging himself in the trees near the main
house.
[75]
He named his friends Magodi Mafuti, Okero and Siso
Piteng who is still living on the farm. He also mentioned several
families still
residing on the farm, such as the Mokgothi, Tsekane,
and Tladi families, who lived close to his homestead.
[76]
When questioned about the absence of his school
report cards and birth certificate in the court proceedings, he
explained that his
report cards from Zomerhoogte were lost after the
demolition of the homestead, and that he could obtain his
intermediate school
report cards from Harmonia. He identified his
family home in the photographs presented in Court and pointed out
various household
items and their locations within the property.
He did so with particularity, noting for example that a particular
dish was
used for salads, especially in December. He pointed to
clothes, a basin, a bathtub they used for washing, the family beds,
his grandmother’s drum, blankets, a bed cover, a table, a
fridge.
[77]
He was not present during the eviction, as he was
in QwaQwa at the time, which is about two hours from Quaggafontein.
He received
a phone call about the eviction and saw pictures on
social media. He contacted the local council and was told that their
property
would be collected from the street and stored at the
municipality premises.
[78]
Tefo testified that his family resided in a mud
hut, and after his uncle’s death, his room was converted into a
kitchen. He
provided detailed descriptions of the layout of the hut,
including the dining room, kitchen, and bedrooms, as well as specific
furniture and appliances that were present, such as a stove, fridge,
and solar panels.
[79]
He also described the neighbour, Mr Sekhane’s
house, as well as the children of the neighbouring families,
Mastompana, Malepe
and Ramatsira Sekhane. Their mother was Mafeleng
and their father Silas Sekhane.
[80]
Next to them were the Mafoti’s, Tugela,
Hosea, Mantobi, and their mother was Madibuseng. Their father
Thabiyane passed away
recently.
[81]
Under cross examination, Tefo confirmed that he
was present in Court when his mother had testified but said that he
did not listen
attentively and was there for support. Tefo also
explained that he was unaware of the need for a supporting affidavit
in
the case when questioned about it. He was working in QwaQwa at the
time and his name was not included on the land rights inquiry
forms
because he was not present when they were completed. He testified
that he was present in the Ficksburg proceedings and recalls
being
mentioned. He testified that his coming and going is not a
problem and that Michael and Francois also come and go.
When
questioned about how long he was in QwaQwa, he testified that it
would be for a year or two but he would then go back to Ficksburg,
which is his home. He said he can prove that he was staying at
the farm.
[82]
During further cross-examination, Tefo was asked
about his schooling, to which he reiterated that his reports were
lost during the
eviction, but Harmonia’s report could be
obtained. He confirmed using his birth certificate to obtain his
Identity document.
When confronted with his mother’s testimony
that he gave the birth certificate to a teacher, Tefo clarified that
his mother
was elderly and forgetful. He also confirmed that his
documents, including family photographs, were kept at the farm and
lost or
destroyed during the eviction.
[83]
Tefo addressed questions regarding his childhood
memories, including playing soccer and fishing with Michael and
Francois. He confirmed
that they were allowed to play after school
and went hunting despite assertions from counsel that Lilian would
testify otherwise.
He stated that Lilian was often occupied in the
main house and rarely ventured outside.
[84]
He confirmed attending schools in the area until
he left for high school. When at high school they would stay in
Ficksburg in the
week but come back on the weekends, like the Van
Niekerk children. He was responsible for looking after the cattle on
the farm
after school after Pelesa died in 2005. He confirmed
that Mrs Khiba took over responsibility for the cattle at that time
following the family discussions. However, he would be responsible
for making sure the cattle did not go through the fence or to
the
neighbours’ farms. There was brief re-examination.
Malitaba Alina Khiba
(Malitaba)
[85]
Malitaba testified that she was born in 1988 and
was 36 years old. She was born in Zone 12, Sebokeng, Vereeniging, as
told by her
mother. She considered Mrs Khiba her mother since she did
not know her biological mother well.
[86]
She explained that she understood the reason for
her appearance in Court related to her family being forcefully
evicted and their
belongings thrown into the street. She identified
Francois, the son of Mr Magidi, as the person who placed their
property on the
street.
[87]
She described her upbringing on the farm, where
she had known Mrs Khiba as her mother since childhood. She testified
about attending
school at Zomerhoogte, located just behind their
home. She referred to the farm as their home.
[88]
She provided a detailed description of the
homestead, explaining that it was a mud house, while the neighbour
had a brick house.
She listed the members of her family who lived
with her (Mrs Khiba, Malefane, Tefo and her two children) and
described her schooling
at Zomerhoogte, where she began Sub A in 1994
and completed Sub B in 1995. In June 1996, the school burned down,
and she provided
the names of her teachers, Ma-Mupedi and Mr Lenkwe,
the principal.
[89]
After the fire, they were relocated to a
neighbouring farm, Harmonia to continue their schooling. She
testified that they were transported
to and from school by Mr Magidi
and Mr Henry du Preez. She named several individuals who attended
school with her, including the
late Dimakatso Khiba, Mrs Khiba’s
child. After completing her education at Zomerhoogte, she attended
Harmonia School and
again provided the names of her teachers and
friends from the farm.
[90]
She also gave a detailed description of Mr Magidi,
describing him as the “loving” employer of her uncle,
Pelesa. She
referred to some of Mr Magidi’s family members by
their Afrikaans and Sesotho names. She mentioned the other families
who
lived on the farm, stating that there were eight houses on the
property.
[91]
She confirmed that her uncle, Pelesa passed away
in 2005 and is buried on Quaggafontein. She described Mr Magidi as a
caring person
who loved all the farm residents, and she recalled
incidents where children, including herself, would misbehave by
stealing fruit
from the trees. Mr Magidi would only issue warnings
saying “we mustn’t eat too much and he also has to eat”.
She also recalled that, in December, he would distribute sweets to
the children and encourage his own children to play with the
black
children on the farm and to learn their language. She described Mr
Magidi as being fluent in Sesotho and stated that he would
mediate
disputes, such as domestic violence cases, rather than involving the
police.
[92]
Regarding Ma-Lerato, his wife, she described her
as not very talkative, stating that she would greet the children on
the farm but
otherwise remained quiet. She testified that Michael
played with other children on the farm and that Mr Magidi encouraged
such
interactions.
[93]
She stated that Michael often spent time with the
children, fishing. hunting or accompanying her uncle, who taught him
to drive
a tractor and plant seedlings. She described Michael as a
loving person, while Francois was more reserved, rarely joining in
activities
with the other children.
[94]
She also described her family’s activities
on the farm, such as gathering wood and fetching water, which were
mostly her chores.
Her uncle was a tractor driver, although he
struggled with alcohol. She described her memories of Mrs Khiba on
the farm, disagreeing
with the submissions that Mrs Khiba never lived
on the farm, stating that she harvested potatoes and worked on the
mealie fields.
She also confirmed that Tefo lived there, describing
his friends and recalling his playing soccer, and saying that he left
the
farm for schooling, just like everyone else. After their
schooling, the children would come home to Quaggafontein.
[95]
She elaborated on her schooling, stating that she
attended Zomerhoogte and later transferred to a high school in
Sebokeng in 2005.
After finishing school, she returned to the farm in
2009 and in 2010 she got married on a neighbouring farm and lived
with her
husband until he lost his job in 2016. Thereafter, she
returned home to the farm. She had two children, aged 11 and 6, and
since
the eviction, has been living in Ficksburg with them.
[96]
On the day of the eviction, she was not at home.
She was shown photographs during her testimony and described features
of the house
layout, and identified several items, including
blankets, containers for traditional medicines, a drum her
grandmother used to
play at church, and a glass dish used for family
gatherings. She also noted that some of their property, particularly
cooking pots,
were missing. She described the homestead’s
furniture in detail and referred to the family’s clothing.
[97]
During cross-examination
,
she confirmed that she could read English but not
speak it fluently. Mr De Leeuw pointed out inconsistencies between
her testimony
and a prior confirmatory affidavit, particularly
regarding whether she was born on the farm or Sebokeng. She
acknowledged that
she was not born on the farm but maintained that
she was telling the truth before the Court, explaining that she had
been confused
when completing the forms after the eviction.
[98]
It was put to her that the schools in the area
served all children, not just those from the farm, to which she
agreed. Counsel suggested
that attending school in the area did not
prove she lived on the farm, but she insisted that she did live on
the farm while attending
school. She stated that the district offices
could confirm her address at the time. Further, that transport was
arranged for them
after the school burned down.
[99]
Mr De Leeuw submitted that Mrs Lilian would
testify that her husband never arranged transport for the children,
but Malitaba disagreed,
stating that someone must have transported
them. He also stated that Magidi never gave her consent to reside on
the farm, which
she confirmed, explaining that her uncle had been
granted consent and informed Mr Magidi that his family would live
with him.
[100]
She testified that she never worked for Mr Magidi,
as she was not of working age, and acknowledged that no direct
consent had been
given to her to live on the farm as an adult. She
confirmed that she had lived on a neighbouring farm after getting
married but
moved back home after her husband lost his job in 2016.
She testified that then “my place or my parents place was
warmer
than mine”
. She
agreed
with counsel that she had never formally sought consent to move back,
reasoning that since she had never informed the farm
owners of her
departure, she saw no reason to request permission to return.
[101]
Mr De Leeuw submitted that Mrs Lilian would
testify that she had never seen the Malitaba on the farm, only on the
neighboring property.
She disputed this, explaining that Mrs Lilian
might have seen her as an adult on the neighbouring farm but insisted
that she had
indeed lived on the farm. She referred to when she was
given sweets.
[102]
There was no re-examination.
Mamokete Mpheteng
(Mamokete)
[103]
Mamokete, a 38-year-old woman, testified that she
was born on the farm which she referred to as Ha-Fanie, a name
historically associated
with its previous owner or person in charge,
Fanie. Though she did not personally know Fanie, she knew his wife,
Mama Cora.
[104]
She was born in 1986 and attended Zomerhoogte
school from 1993. She knew the children of Fanie and Mama Cora,
especially “Thabiso”,
the previous owner of the farm.
(Thabiso is Mr Michael van Niekerk, also known as Magidi). In their
community, Sotho names were
given to farm owners and their families.
Thabiso was described as joyful, and his name means someone who
brings happiness. She
mentioned his wife, Ma-Lerato and five
children, referring to their Sesotho names, but could not recall
their ages.
[105]
She shared her memories of growing up on the farm.
She was friends with Pule, who used to transport them to and from
work, as they
worked for Khumi. She described Pule as a friendly and
mischievous person who often socialized with the black workers and
would
drink traditional beer with them after work. She testified that
she lived with her parents on the farm, not far from the Khiba
family's residence. She is staying now in Ficksburg as has young
children attending school. Her father is still living on the farm,
which she describes as a home.
[106]
She stated that she was familiar with the late Mr
Pelesa Khiba who was married to her aunt, Magolodi Sotetsi through a
traditional
or customary marriage. She also knew Mrs Khiba, who lived
peacefully on the farm, as the mother of three children, including
Malefane,
whom she had known since childhood.
[107]
She testified that she was aware of the eviction
of the Khiba family from the farm. She learned about the demolition
through viral
videos on social media and radio reports, but did not
personally witness the event. Upon visiting the farm, she saw that
the Khiba
family's home had been demolished, and she heard that
certain white individuals were present during the eviction.
[108]
When asked about Malefane, she described him as a
‘cool and collected’ and non-violent person. She
confirmed that she
attended Zomerhoogte school with two of the Khiba
children, Malefane and Malitaba. After the school burned down, they
were transferred
to Harmonia school, and the farm owner, Thabiso,
arranged transport for them until she finished her schooling in 1999.
[109]
She testified that when they were at school, they
would go back to the farm during holidays, and even now she goes to
the farm with
her children when school closes. She also
confirmed that Tefo was born on the farm and later went to school in
QwaQwa.
[110]
She has known Malitaba since childhood. Malitaba
left to attend school in Gauteng and later got married at a
neighbouring farm,
Jakkalsfintein. Despite moving away, Malitaba
regularly returned to the farm.
[111]
Mamokete further testified that the farm had
always been her home, but she now feared returning due to a letter
received by her
parents in late 2023, instructing them to vacate the
property. The letter was delivered by Thabiso’s children. She
expressed
concern that her parents would be mistreated if the Van
Niekerk family discovered she was testifying in Court, as she had
previously
been warned not to "bad-mouth" them. Despite the
threats, she felt compelled to testify that the Khiba family had
indeed
lived on the farm.
[112]
Regarding the farm owner's operations, Mamokete
stated that when Thabiso ceased farming in 1998, he allowed the
workers, including
her father and Pelesa, to remain on the farm and
continue using the land for grazing. He had made it clear that no one
should leave
unless they chose to leave. Although many workers sought
employment elsewhere, they continued to stay on the farm. This
arrangement
remained in place until the owner's death in 2006. After
his passing, however, restrictions were placed on the number of
cattle
they could keep. She agreed that Mrs Khiba was not a permanent
worker, but she was staying with Pelesa who was a permanent worker.
[113]
It was put to Mamokete during cross examination
that Mrs Lilian, would testify that her late husband, Michael van
Niekerk, only
gave consent to reside on the farm to permanent
workers. She confirmed that they could stay on the farm and look for
work elsewhere.
While she accepted that Mrs Khiba was not a permanent
worker, she was staying with Pelesa who a permanent worker was.
She confirmed that Magied passed away in 2006,
several years after ceasing farming activities.
[114]
During cross-examination, counsel submitted that
Zomerhoogte school was not exclusively for children living on
Quaggafontein farm,
but for children from surrounding farms as well.
She agreed but emphasised that she had attended the school while
living on the
farm, and that she is at Court to say that she went to
school with Malitababa and Malefane who were also living on the farm.
She
also confirmed that Tefo, had initially attended school in
Zomerhoogte and later went to school in QwaQwa. She admitted that she
has stayed in Ficksburg, where she rents a place, since 2014, so that
her children could attend school, but she still regards the
farm as
her home, and where she will be buried. It is where she returns with
her children during holidays.
[115]
Mamokete testified that after she had deposed to
an affidavit her father was approached with threats. Despite these
threats, she
came forward to tell the Court what she knew about the
Khiba family’s residence on the farm.
[116]
Mr De Leeuw put it to her that Mrs Lilian would
testify that only three individuals had consent to reside on the
farm: Pelesa, his
mother, and someone named Elisia. She denied this
submission stating that she had never heard of Elisia and that her
uncle's wife
was known as Augustina not Elisia. She concluded by
reiterating that she had lived on the farm, that the Khiba family
lived there,
and that she came to Court to provide her account
despite the risks involved. She firmly stated that Thabiso had known
Mrs Khiba
for years and ‘never once did he chase her away’.
She confirmed under cross-examination that Malitaba had returned to
the farm after school but shortly thereafter went to Jakkalsfontein
where she was married, for several years.
[117]
During re-examination, she clarified that her
father was considered a permanent worker and that Magied had given
consent to such
workers to remain on the farm. She described a
permanent worker as someone who had signed a contract to work on the
farm, and she
knew of others who were not permanent workers but had
remained on the farm including Malefane. She also spoke of others who
had
remained on the farm from that time. She reiterated that she knew
of no Elisia, and that the name of her aunt, Pelesa’s wife,
was
Malgolodi Akostina Tsotsetsi.
Witnesses for the
respondents
Lilian Elizabeth van
Niekerk (Mrs van Niekerk)
[118]
Mrs van Niekerk testified that she moved to the
farm Quaggafontein in 1981 upon marrying her husband, Michael, a
farmer. She described
the type of farming conducted on the farm as
mixed farming, initially involving maize, wheat, and potatoes, later
expanding to
include sheep and cattle. Although she could not recall
exactly when potato farming commenced, she provided a detailed
account
of her role on the farm. She worked with the wives of the
permanent workers, particularly during harvesting. On Saturdays,
these
women would assist her with cleaning the house, washing
windows, and sweeping the yard. She clarified that it was only the
wives
of permanent workers, not all the women on the farm, who were
involved.
[119]
She described her relationship with the farm
workers as good and testified that she frequently went to the dairy
and the land. When
potato farming started, she sometimes helped count
the pockets of potatoes to be loaded onto lorries. She stated that
her husband's
relationship with the workers was also good, although
he interacted mainly with the male workers, and did not engage with
female
workers. She said that her husband did not assist female
workers with obtaining birth certificates for their children. Her
relationship
with the female workers was similarly described as good.
[120]
She knew the Khiba family, comprising the deceased
David, his wife Elisia, and his late mother, Matello.
[121]
She recalled Elisia was David’s wife but was
unsure. When asked if it could have been “Augustina,” she
rejected
it, saying Augustina did her children’s laundry on
Fridays. She was Silias’ wife, she said.
[122]
She knew David only by that name, and did not know
his second or any other names. She testified that David, his wife,
and his mother
were the only members of the Khiba family who lived on
the farm, with the consent to reside there. No other persons with the
surname
Khiba lived on the farm.
[123]
She was adamant that David was a permanent worker
and worked as a tractor driver. She testified that only permanent
workers and
their wives lived on the farm, and there were no
temporary workers living on the farm.
[124]
According to her testimony, workers usually
resolved disputes among themselves. She could not recall if her
husband helped resolve
them.
[125]
She testified that she did not know Mrs Khiba and
she had never worked on the farm. She suggested that she might
recognize her if
she saw her in person. She did not know the name
Manyaka. She said that she would have had interactions with her with
her if she
had been living on the farm. Regarding Malefane, she
recalled an incident in 2014 when she saw him driving sheep into a
camp and
closing the gate. She asked him who he was, and he responded
that he lived in the mud hut. Prior to that, she had never seen him
before. Regarding Malitaba she confirmed seeing her at a neighbouring
farm, Jakkalsfontein, where she assisted at the dairy. She
had never
seen her on Quaggafontein, as far as she could recall.
[126]
When questioned about whether Malitaba had been
seen on the farm before the eviction, she responded that she did not
know when the
eviction took place, mentioning 2015 or 2016. She also
testified that she did not know Tefo and had never seen him on the
farm.
She stated that David had no children. When informed that Mrs
Khiba claimed they had a shack on the farm when they arrived, she
said that she had never seen a shack there.
[127]
She
described the house where David and his family resided as one with
two doors, with David living on one side and his mother on
the other.
She was shown photographs from the oral evidence bundle
[3]
and confirmed that the house depicted looked similar to David’s
house, although she could not be certain. She stated however,
that
there was no DSTV dish as depicted. She stated that no other persons
resided there.
[128]
She testified that her husband stopped farming in
1998 and told his workers they could stay until they found new jobs,
after which
they would have to leave and take their cows with them.
[129]
This arrangement applied to all permanent workers.
She stated that there were no temporary or seasonal workers living on
the farm
at that time, and that these arrangements were made
exclusively with permanent workers.
[130]
She denied that her husband ever assigned tasks to
children, particularly in handling poison for bugs, as alleged by Mrs
Khiba.
She elaborated by saying he would never allow children
to handle poison. She also denied that he provided transport for the
children when the Zomerhoogte school burned down. She said the
children walked to school.
[131]
She testified that her husband passed away in
2007, next to her in a bakkie when they were returning home from
town. Later a service
was conducted at the Methodist Church in town.
[132]
When asked about the current workers on the farm,
she mentioned two ladies both named Emily, Jacob, Lerato, and
Kimetso. She did
not know their surnames.
[133]
She denied her sons went hunting birds with pellet
guns with the applicants, claiming her husband would not have allowed
it. They
could only hunt together. She confirmed her children’s
names and birthdates, confirming the tradition where her husband
provided
a sheep for workers to braai after their birth.
[134]
She also testified that in 1988 two of her
children were born. Francois was born in 1989 and the twins in 1990.
Francois was born
in 1989 and the twins in 1990. She said she knew
their Sesotho names, which was confirmed during her
cross-examination. She still
lives on the farm, now in a flat next to
the main house. Two of her daughters now live in Port Alfred,
where they have lived
since they left school. One daughter
lives in Johannesburg. Michael lives on a nearby farm and
Francois lives in the
main house on the farm with his wife. There are
still farming activities on the farm which Francois and Michael
attend to.
[135]
During her cross-examination, she described
Michael as a hard worker with a passion for driving tractors since a
young age. She
stated that he would often disappear after school to
drive tractors, and a neighbour would call to assure her that he was
safe,
and either she or a driver would make sure he got home. She
denied that her children ever visited the Khiba family's homestead,
and when pressed about whether she would have known given that he
disappeared at times, she said he only disappeared to drive
tractors. She accepted that the farmworkers' children would
often come to play soccer at their shed but insisted that they
‘never
went to play there’. She ultimately accepted that that
was at least to her knowledge. She could
not remember the names
of all the children that played soccer together.
[136]
She also denied letting her children swim alone in
the dams, stating they only went swimming with an adult or fishing
with their
father. Though she could not always monitor them closely,
she was assured that they followed their father’s rules.
[137]
She testified that both at the time of and before
her husband’s death in 2007 she knew all the permanent workers
and their
families living on the farm. She said that non-permanent
workers were not meant to be there, although she acknowledged that
some
probably were. She named some of the workers, mostly by first
name, but could not remember their children stating that some of the
children she did not know at all. She was not in a position to
comment on the testimony that children would sometimes eat the fruit
on the fruit-trees with her late husband’s knowledge.
[138]
She described her late husband as a good, peaceful
man who preferred to resolve minor disputes without involving the
police, though
she confirmed that the police would be called if
necessary. She confirmed under cross-examination that she would allow
the workers
to take the intestines of the chickens that were
slaughtered. She confirmed that Pelesa had died two years
before her husband
did.
[139]
In response to questions about farming after 1998,
she confirmed that her two sons were now responsible for the farming
activities,
which included maize, cattle, and sheep. She was
further asked about the workers' children playing on the farm and
conceded
that children sometimes played in the fruit trees. She was
asked about workers living on the farm and their families. She agreed
that some labourers resided in mud houses. However, she could not
recall the exact details regarding the maintenance of these houses
or
who looked after them.
[140]
When questioned about specific families on the
farm, including the Khiba family, she acknowledged that she knew them
but had limited
information about their broader family relations or
personal circumstances. When she was confronted with the testimony of
other
witnesses about David’s family, she conceded that her
knowledge was not comprehensive, and it was possible that other
seasonal
workers or family members had resided on the farm without
her knowledge.
[141]
She agreed that David’s elderly mother
stayed on the farm after his passing in 2006 until she passed away
2014. She was given
permission to remain, she said. She accepted both
David and his mother are buried on the farm. David’s wife left
the farm
after his passing, around 2010. She did not know who cared
for David’s elderly mother during this time. She also did not
know who maintained the mud hut but agreed that someone had to do it.
[142]
When asked if Quaggafontein could have been their
home, she said she did not know. Although she maintained that Mrs
Khiba only stayed
at Christophil, she acknowledged that Mrs Khiba
visited her mother often at Quaggafontein, sometimes for a week or
two, and she
accepted it could have been longer. She also confirmed
that someone committed suicide on the farm, and that person had a
light
complexion as Tefo had testified.
[143]
She confirmed that an affidavit Francois had
deposed to saying Pelesa had always resided alone was wrong; he had a
wife. Later she
said she did not know if they were married or not.
She did not, however, recall that he had a brother called Paulus
Khiba. She
also conceded that there were seasonal workers, and it
could have included Mrs Khiba. She ultimately accepted she did
not
know if Mrs Khiba had arrived in 1988 as she just knows her from
Christophil. She also conceded that the children could have lived
with their grandmother and stayed on the farm, and that she would not
know. She accepted that Mrs Khiba’s daughter may have
been
buried on the farm.
[144]
She was questioned about her role on the farm and
confirmed that in view of her limited role, her knowledge about the
farm people
and the work they did would have been limited.
[145]
She confirmed that the Khibas owned cattle but
said they were illegally on the farm. She confirmed that the
Zomerhoogte school burned
down, and that children went to Harmonia
school in a shed. She ultimately was not able to dispute that
Malitaba grew up on Quaggafontein.
[146]
Under cross-examination, she disputed the
applicants’ version about her late husband allowing his workers
to stay on at the
farm after he stopped farming but accepted that she
was not present in the meeting. She insisted that it was only
permanent workers
who could stay, and their wives.
[147]
Under re-examination, Mrs van Niekerk confirmed
that those she knew who stayed on were permanent workers. She
confirmed that
she did not sell the intestines or give them to other
workers.
Stefanus Francois van
Niekerk (Francois)
[148]
Francois testified that he had lived on the farm
since birth, estimating his own age to be around 35 or 36. He
explained that his
understanding of the reason for the proceedings is
that the Khiba family assumes they had been illegally evicted when
Malefane
was evicted.
[149]
When asked about his interactions with the farm
workers, he said he only knew the men, and interacted with them by
driving tractors,
herding sheep, and working in the dairy. He
confirmed that he knew David from the Khiba family and was told by
his mother that
David’s wife and mother also lived with him.
However, he did not interact much with David. He mentioned that he
and his brother
interacted with other workers, such as Elias and
Silias. He recalled playing soccer with five children which he named
(Tshepo,
Pitso, Lerato Thediso and Boetie, though he could not
remember additional names or recognize a person named Tefo, who
claimed to
have played soccer with him.
[150]
He and his brother were the only ones allowed to
hunt for birds with pellet guns, as their father forbade friends when
hunting.
They also could not swim in the river or dam until age 15 or
16, after starting high school without adult supervision. He
testified
that he had no interactions with children on the farm from
high school.
[151]
He testified that he does not know Mrs Khiba but
knew of her, but only from seeing her at the farm Christophil. He and
his brother
used to work there and Mrs Khiba used to bring meals to
David Jakob with whom she was in a romantic relationship. They would
also
see her at his house when picking up or dropping off workers. He
said it was common knowledge she was living with David Jakob on
that
farm.
[152]
He denied Mrs Khiba’s claim of arriving on
the farm in 1988 saying he cannot recall seeing her there. He knew
David from the
Khiba family but was unsure about his family
connections. With reference to an affidavit in which he had referred
to a Paulus Khiba,
he testified that he mistakenly confused Paulus
Khiba (a deceased brother of David) with another person also named
Paulus.
[153]
He stated that he did not know Malitaba personally
but that he knew of her, and who she is but only seeing her at
Jakkalsfontein
dairy. He testified that he could not recall
seeing her at any other place, and that as far as he knew she had
never resided
on Quaggafontein. He also denied knowing or
seeing Tefo on the farm or anywhere else. He was asked if he
recognized
anyone in Court as from the farm and said he did not. He
testified that he only met Malefane after returning to the farm in
2015, when Malefane was living in David’s house without
permission. He testified that he did not play soccer with
Malefane as a child.
[154]
He explained that he left the farm in 2008 for
further studies in Bloemfontein (2008 and 2009). In 2010, he worked
on his grandparent’s
farm and in 2011 both on another farm
initially and then at Jakkalsfontein for the rest of the year, when
he was back on the farm.
From 2012 to 2014, he was working in
Zimbabwe and Zambia and in 2015 he returned. Upon his return, he
found Malefane living in
David’s house and his cattle grazing
illegally, causing problems with overgrazing. He testified that he
and his mother tried
multiple interventions with Land Affairs
representatives, but Malefane remained uncooperative. This led to the
cattle’s impoundment
in a now defunct pound in Ladybrand.
[155]
He confirmed his father allowed workers to keep
two branded cattle each (MGY for workers, MGQ for his father) under a
specific branding
system. Malefane’s cattle lacked branding. If
branded they would not have been accepted at the pound.
[156]
According to his testimony, Malefane was the sole
occupant of David’s hut when Land Affairs officials and the
sheriff visited.
He personally never attended Malefane’s mud
hut. He explained his answer by saying that every time he saw
Malefane and when
the Sheriff served documents, he was alone. He
testified that he would have noticed other occupants because you
drive past the
houses going to his house and back and the only person
he saw there was Malefane.
[157]
During cross-examination, he confirmed listening
to the applicants’ testimony online via Microsoft Teams, though
he missed
part of Mamokete’s evidence. When asked if he knew
everyone who lived on the farm since 1988 until his father’s
death
in 2007, he said no, explaining his mother had more
information.
[158]
He admitted to being unaware of all farm occupants
between 2007 and 2015 due to his absences. Since his return, he kept
records
of all residents on his laptop, including employees and
non-employees, as he commenced documenting occupants when issues
arose
with Malefane. The records included full names, ID numbers, and
house numbers. The records were not produced in evidence, however.
[159]
He listed five workers; three males (Jacob, Lerato
and Kimetso) and two female housekeepers (both called Emily) as the
current permanent
workers. He mentioned Mokete Mpheteng, his
wife and son, as other people who lived on the farm. Mokete had
permission to
live there, but when asked if his wife had permission
too, he answered: ‘I would assume so. If they marry. Yes.’
He
then admitted that he is not sure how the law works. He testified
that Mokete’s son, with whom he used to play soccer, does
not
have permission but is still staying there and that is not an issue.
On being pressed, he also identified a person called Atalina
as
living on the farm.
[160]
He was pressed on how consent to reside worked on
the farm. He testified that children could live with their parents
until the age
of 18. As adults, they only had consent if they were
employed on the farm. He testified that it was only Mokete, who
no longer
works on the farm, but was granted consent to reside on the
farm by his father.
[161]
When questioned by Mr Hlapolosa about Mokete's
daughter's testimony (Mamokete) he said he did not listen to her
whole testimony
and did not recall it all. He recalled that she
said he had confronted her father. He stated that it was about an
Eskom account.
He denied that this confrontation involved her
testifying in Court. Further, when asked if Mamokete's family home
was on the farm,
he denied it, saying the farm was “his family
home”. In his view, people who were not working on the farm
could not
be considered lawful residents. He was pressed about
Mamokete’s testimony about her living on the farm, and while he
accepted
that she may have grown up there, he insisted that she no
longer resides there. When presented with her unchallenged evidence
that
she regards Quaggafontein as her family home, lives in Ficksburg
so her children can attend school but returns when not in Ficksburg,
he testified that he has never seen her there and it cannot be her
home if she is not living there. When asked whether his seeing
or not
seeing someone is conclusive of whether they stay at Quaggafontein,
he answered that he would assume so, yes, and that if
you do not see
someone there, they are obviously not living there.
[162]
When probed about Malefane’s presence on the
farm he insisted that Malefane lived alone, and he detailed his
repeated interactions
with land affairs over Malefane’s illegal
grazing of cattle.
[163]
According to his testimony, he assumed
responsibility for managing who resided on the farm since 2015,
maintaining records of individuals
who had consent to live there.
Regarding record-keeping, he mentioned he began formally keeping
track of the farm's residents only
from 2015. He has his workers tell
him if there are visitors. However, when pressed on the Mpetheng
family, and Mamokete’s
visits, he insisted that he would have
noticed someone who stayed for a month or two weeks and asked his
workers about it. However,
he confirmed he had no records on the
Mpetheng family.
[164]
When asked about various workers and their
children, he stated he could not recall all their surnames, being
Sesotho names, or the
details of their families, but assured Mr
Hlapolosa that he recorded this information on his laptop.
[165]
He testified that Emily stays alone and the
‘other’ Emily stays with her husband (whose name he does
not know).
He accepted they have children, one called Pule, who
is now an adult and staying on the farm without consent. They have
two adult
sons who do not live on the farm. He later mentioned
the ‘first’ Emily has a young child. He confirmed
that he had not visited any of the farm residents in their homes but
had installed Eskom meters. His employee known as Lerato, he
said,
lived with his elderly mother Atalina, and despite being registered
employees, he did not know their surnames. Kimetso he
said, lives on
the farm with his wife, Matelo, and he does not know if they have
children. Matelo lives in town but visits. Francois
confirmed that
Kimetso lived in Quaggafontein before he worked for him. Jacob
Letsika, he said, lives alone and his wife, who lives
in town visits
occasionally and when she does, Jacob usually informs him, although
not all the time. He does not regard Jacob’s
wife as a
resident on the farm as she is in town the majority of the time.
He did not know the names Mfoti or Sekani mentioned
by other
witnesses as people living on the farm but maintained he would
recognize a person if he saw him.
[166]
Francois testified that according to his
understanding of legal occupancy, the children of farm workers
required consent to stay
on the farm once they reached adulthood.
When asked if a child who reaches majority is expected to leave the
farm, he answered
that he expected that they leave the farm and would
‘go look for work or further studies or whatever the case may
be.’
They could, however, visit their parents.
[167]
He conceded that he was not a legal expert but
believed a person had the right to live on the farm if they were
employed on the
farm or by his father. When asked about his father
giving consent to those not employed, he answered: ‘Nobody else
would
be given consent. Only employed peoples would have consent to
live on the farm.’ He said that workers have employment
contracts
but that the consent to reside is not written. He later
testified that if you are married then the spouse has consent to
reside.
While acknowledging ESTA defines occupier’s rights, he
emphasized his authority as the farm’s owner to determine
lawful
occupancy.
[168]
He defined residents as only employees or former
employees granted permission by his father, emphasizing that he alone
could grant
or revoke this permission. Regarding past and current
residents, he referred to his mother’s knowledge before 2015
and confirmed
his own management afterward.
[169]
During his lengthy cross-examination, he admitted
gaps in his knowledge of certain residents and events, often
deferring to his
mother’s accounts. He indicated that he could
not dispute parts of other testimonies, such as individuals who may
have resided
on the farm, but he argued that some left voluntarily,
taking their belongings, which he considered a relinquishment of
residency.
[170]
He disputed the Khiba family’s evidence
about their family belongings. He said the belongings in the
photographs are all Malefane’s
belonging as he was living in
the house but suggested that some items might have belonged to his
grandmother and that Malefane
had moved into his grandmother’s
house when she died in 2014. Mr Hlapolosa put to him that their
evidence was not challenged.
Francois responded that
identifying property does not mean it is ‘their belongings’
and said he would ‘argue
that it could be Malefane’s
belongings.’ At a later stage, when asked about the
presence of three beds, he suggested
that Mrs Khiba may have stayed
there when doing piece jobs.
[171]
He was questioned on inconsistencies between his
affidavit and his mother’s statements, often conceding her
version as correct
as she had knowledge at the time, or attributing
discrepancies to misinformation. When questioned about specific past
occupants
and their relationships, he claimed limited personal
knowledge at relevant times and denied knowledge of the Sekani family
or that
they had also been evicted in 2020. He said he did not
remember Matelo but then accepted she was there. He was
questioned
about his testimony on Paulus Khiba, and ultimately
conceded that a Paulus Khiba, being Palesa Khiba;s brother, is buried
on the
farm.
[172]
He persisted that Malefane only moved into the
house in 2014, after his grandmother’s death. He reiterated
that he only knows
Malitaba from Jakkalsfontein and disputed that she
had returned to Quaggafontein. He admitted that he was only in a
position to
speculate about where she had lived as a child. He also
reiterated that he only knows Mrs Khiba from Christophil and that he
does
not know Tefo. However, he conceded that he did not remember all
of those he played soccer with.
[173]
He was also challenged on his statements about
cattle ownership and management, admitting his understanding came
from what his mother
informed him. He testified that David was the
only person who had cattle with his father’s consent and that
he assumed that
‘the grandmother’ could look after the
cattle until the cattle passed. He said that if he was making a
decision, he
would allow the grandmother to look after cattle until
the cattle had passed. He reiterated that his understanding was that
workers
could keep two cattle. He confirmed that he had
contacted the pound in Ladybrand and caused the removal of the
cattle, which
he insisted were not marked. He accepted that there had
been no mention of markings until his cross examination. He did not
dispute
that Mrs Khiba had to pay R29 000 for the release of the
cattle.
[174]
Mr Hlapolosa put it to him that his testimony was
aimed at isolating and disintegrating the residency and occupancy
rights of the
Khiba family, which he accepted and went a step further
to confirm his intent to dispute their permission to stay on the
farm.
However, he maintained that he knew Mrs Khiba from Christophil
and Malitaba from Jakkalsfontein. He accepted he had been misinformed
about Matelo.
[175]
It was
put to him that he was lying to this Court. Further, that his
evidence regarding when Malefane came to reside on the farm
conflicted with his affidavit in the Magistrate’s Court
eviction proceedings.
[4]
He
conceded that his testimony in that affidavit about Malefane is
incorrect suggesting it is a version he got from his mother
On the
issue of whether a mud house is a labourer’s dwelling, he
became argumentative and said both a mud house and a brick
house are
labourer’s dwellings.
[176]
In re-examination, Mr De Leeuw focused on Francois
understanding of the term labourer’s dwelling and clarifying
his understanding
of occupancy and consent under ESTA.
[177]
He also stated that his independent witnesses did
not testify due to fear of persecution. Further, he testified that
labourers could
only grant residence rights for direct family
members, not extended relatives, aligning with his understanding of
consent and residency
policy on the farm
Michael van Niekerk
(Michael)
[178]
Michael, born on 17 October 1990, testified that
he is now 34 years old and that he had lived on the farm for 30 or 32
years. He
stated that the reason for the case is that people who
never stayed on the farm now want to come stay there. As a child, he
interacted
mainly with Silias, a tractor driver, recalling falling
asleep on the tractor. He played soccer with five children who he
named
but could not recall others. He denied hunting birds with
pellet guns or swimming in dams with other children. He said his
father
would never allow hunting with others.
[179]
He confirmed there was only one dam on the farm,
which was too small for fishing, though he fished elsewhere with his
father and
brother. He had limited interactions with workers'
children and only visited Emily’s house, considering her as a
second mother.
He testified that he never played or visited the Khiba
home. He knew Manyaka only through his work at Christophil farm and
said
that he knew her as the person who brought David’s food
for the day, and he would see her at nights when dropping workers.
He saw her throughout the time he worked there, he said. He did
not know Malefane until 2014. He testified that he knows
no member of
the Khiba family who stayed there before 2014.
[180]
His mother testified he would disappear after
school, which he confirmed, explaining he worked at Mr Khumi’s
farm, driving
tractors from age six or seven until 2008. He never saw
Malitaba or Tefo and did not know them, nor did he play soccer with
Tefo.
He said he could not identify anyone in the Court room.
[181]
He stated he lived on the farm until 2009, then
moved to the USA, returning in 2011 to work for a year on
Christophil. He testified
that Mrs Khiba was still on Christophil
that year. Michael was in the USA again in 2012 and returned in 2013,
remaining and working
on the farm since. In 2022, he now stays at a
neighboring farm De Brug but continued working on Quaggafontein with
his brother.
He stated that Malefane had been problematic since
arriving in 2014, cutting wires and gates and harming cattle with
fertilizer.
He personally confronted Malefane and saw no one else
living in his house. He said he would have seen people from the main
house.
He confirmed Malefane’s cattle were unbranded.
[182]
Regarding farm residents, he named six individuals
(Jacob, Kimetso, Emily, Adelinah and Sidiso and his dad) and
testified that,
aside from Malefane since 2014, none of the
applicants had lived there.
[183]
Cross-examined, he testified that his Sesotho name
means Rain but was uncertain about how he got his Sesotho name. He
could not
recall some past residents. He confirmed his siblings’
Sesotho names and that they visit Quaggafontein which they consider
their home. He insisted only those persons working on the farm
resided there, some of whom had long served the family. He was
unclear about who was staying as Malefane’s neighbor. He
then recalled that Silias stayed there, but did not know Silias’s
surname. He testified that he did not know Matelo Khiba or David
Palesa Khiba.
[184]
He recalled only Silias as a tractor driver but
did not dispute that David could have been one, saying he did not
recall him. He
denied listening to the applicants' testimonies but
when confronted with Tefo’s evidence that he was a nice and
generous
person, he commented that it is weird that he cannot
remember him, and that if he used to play with him, he would have
probably
remembered him. He did not dispute Tefo’s
recollection of his family’s vehicles or his testimony about
where
Michael attended school. He denied fishing or playing with Tefo
saying he always played with the same children and would have
remembered.
He recalled hearing about a suicide on the farm but was
too young to remember details.
[185]
He testified that the farm was his home and that
Manyaka and Malefane were trying to claim residence without having
lived there.
He did not know Malitaba or Tefo, concluding his
testimony without reexamination as the final respondent witness.
Inspection
in loco
[186]
I attended an inspection
in
loco
on the farm
Quaggafontein
Farm near Ficksburg, Free State Province on 6 December 2024. DJP
Cowen attended virtually.
[187]
The applicants; Manyaka, Malitaba and Malefane Khiba were present,
represented by Mr Hlapolosa and Mr Mofokeng.
[188]
None of the respondents attended. Their legal representative Mr Botha
was present. Three officials from the Department of
Agriculture, Land
Reform and Rural development as well as a local councillor also
attended the proceedings.
[189]
The inspection team met near the entrance road to
the farm. The parties then agreed to move to the main house and
alighted approximately
100 meters away from the Van Niekerk’s
home.
[190]
Mr Botha commenced by pointing out where four
cottages and Khiba's home used to be and estimated the distance to be
between 500–700
meters away (
Point
A
)
[191]
The point where we alighted is
Point
B
(100 m from the main house).
Point
C
was identified as a viewpoint to see
the labourers' cottages, (on the road between Point A and Point B.
Observations at Point
B
[192]
Malitaba pointed out Fanie van Niekerk's old house
where peach trees used to grow, as well as the farm owner’s
family graves.
[193]
She also pointed out a chicken processing area, a
storage facility for tractors and implements, a cattle kraal, and a
water reservoir.
Observations by Mrs
Khiba
[194]
She pointed to a reservoir, a fountain, a potato
storage facility, and potato fields on the mountain behind the main
farmhouse.
[195]
I inquired about the location where a suicide
occurred, which was then pointed out.
[196]
Moving to
Point C
,
estimated to be 150 meters from the road to where the Khiba house
was, Malitaba pointed out a water dam.
[197]
Mrs Khiba indicated a site where soil was dug,
though its purpose was unclear.
[198]
Mr Botha pointed to roads leading to Christophiel
and Jakhalsfontein farms.
[199]
The dam was confirmed as a past fishing and
swimming site, though it was now mostly dry.
Inspection of the
Khiba homestead and the road to gain entrance to the Khiba house
(Point E)
[200]
At the demolished Khiba home, Malitaba pointed out
rooms, an open washing area, and a gravesite (
Point
D).
[201]
She pointed out the graves of Pelesa, Matello,
Dimakatso, and Paulos Khiba.
[202]
Two cattle camps were identified: one near the
graves, another near the main road.
[203]
A further camp was behind the hill (
Point
H
)
[204]
She also pointed out sites of former residences of
various families on the farm such as Gerald, Khiba, Seekane, Mofothi,
Rapuleng
and Tshoala.
[205]
Details of the interior were described, including
rooms, furniture, and storage locations.
[206]
I enquired about Mmamokete Mpheteng’s
residence, which was set as the next stop.
Point F: Zomerhoogte
School
[207]
Malitaba identified the grey house for teachers
and the red school building.
[208]
I asked if it was the school that burned down, and
she confirmed that it was.
[209]
Distance to Zomerhoogte was estimated at 300–400
meters from the Khiba home. Zomerhoogte was owned by Mr Henry du
Preez.
[210]
Point G
was
Jakhalsfontein, home of Mr Henry du Preez.
[211]
Point H
was about
400 meters from Point E, where current farm occupiers live and work.
[212]
Malitaba pointed out several occupiers' houses,
including those of Matompa, Habofane Maketekete, Kimetso Mofothi,
Lerato Rantai,
Emily Molete, Emily Mofothi, and Mmamokete Mpheteng.
[213]
A demolished mud house of Pule Molete was also
noted.
Point I: Cattle
Grazing Area
[214]
The western side, where cows were seen grazing, a
further grazing camp was identified.
Point J: Eviction
Site
[215]
The site where Mrs Khiba’s belongings were
left after eviction.
[216]
Mr Botha and Mr Hlapolosa pointed out cultivated
lands nearby.
[217]
Distance from Point J to Quaggafontein farmstead
was estimated at 2–3 km.
[218]
Malitaba identified a broken wooden piece as part
of her wardrobe, left behind with other belongings.
Evaluation of the oral
evidence
[219]
On the central issue of whether Mrs Khiba resided
on the farm, there are two largely irreconcilable versions. It is the
version
of the Khiba family that they have lived on the farm from
about 1988 with the children coming and going, whereas on the version
of the van Niekerk family, they never lived there.
[220]
The
correct approach to the evaluation of mutually destructive versions
was stated in
National
Employers’ General Insurance v Jagers
[5]
as
follows:
‘
It
seems to me, with respect, that in any civil case, as in any criminal
case, the onus can ordinarily only be discharged by adducing
credible
evidence to support the case of the party on whom the onus rests. In
a civil case the onus is obviously not as heavy as
it is in a
criminal case, but nevertheless where the onus rests on the plaintiff
as in the present case, and where there are two
mutually destructive
stories, he can only succeed if he satisfies the Court on a
preponderance of probabilities that his version
is true and accurate
and therefore acceptable, and that the other version advanced by the
defendant is therefore false or mistaken
and falls to be rejected. In
deciding whether that evidence is true or not the Court will weigh up
and test the plaintiff’s
allegations against the general
probabilities. The estimate of the credibility of a witness will
therefore be inextricably bound
up with a consideration of the
probabilities of the case and, if the balance of probabilities
favours the plaintiff, then the Court
will accept his version as
being probably true. If, however, the probabilities are evenly
balanced in the sense that they do not
favour the plaintiff’s
case anymore that they do the defendant’s, the plaintiff can
only succeed if the Court nevertheless
believes him and is satisfied
that his evidence is true, and that the defendant’s version is
false.’
[6]
[221]
When
determining probabilities in such a case the
locus
classicus
is
Stellenbosch
Wine farmers v Martell
[7]
which
provides detailed guidelines to assist a court in finding which
version is more probable based on the evidence and logical
reasoning
.
It
is described by Nienaber JA as follows:
‘
The
technique generally employed by courts in resolving factual disputes
of this nature may conveniently be summarised as follows.
To come to
a conclusion on the disputed issues a court must make findings on (a)
the credibility of the various factual witnesses;
(b) their
reliability; and (c) the probabilities. As to (a), the court’s
finding on the credibility of a particular witness
will depend on its
impression about the veracity of the witness. That in turn will
depend on a variety of subsidiary factors, not
necessarily in order
of importance, such as (i) the witness’s candour and demeanour
in the witness-box, (ii) his bias, latent
and blatant, (iii) internal
contradictions in his evidence, (iv) external contradictions with
what was pleaded or put on his behalf,
or with established fact or
with his own extra-curial statements or actions, (v) the probability
or improbability of particular
aspects of his version, (vi) the
calibre and cogency of his performance compared to that of other
witnesses testifying about the
same incident or events. As to (b), a
witness’s reliability will depend, apart from the factors
mentioned under (a)(ii),
(iv) and (v) above, on (i) the opportunities
he had to experience or observe the event in question and (ii) the
quality, integrity
and independence of his recall thereof. As to (c),
this necessitates an analysis and evaluation of the probability or
improbability
of each party’s version on each of the disputed
issues. In the light of its assessment of (a), (b) and (c) the court
will
then, as a final step, determine whether the party burdened with
the onus of proof has succeeded in discharging it.’
[8]
[222]
In
President
of the Republic of South Africa v SARFU,
[9]
the
Constitutional Court laid down the principle that if a point in
dispute is left unchallenged in cross examination, the party
calling
the witness is entitled to assume the unchallenged testimony is
accepted as correct.
[223]
It
was also stated by Supreme Court of Appeal in
Petersen
and Another v Minister of Safety & Security
[10]
that
not
every error made by a witness or inconsistency will affect his
credibility. Various considerations are highlighted in that case
such
as whether a contradiction is an honest mistake, material, and
advances or prejudices a party’s case, whether it results
from
erroneous observation in a confused situation or can be attributed to
defective recollection. Ultimately, ‘in each case,
the trier of
fact must make an evaluation; taking into account such matters as the
nature of the contradictions, their number and
importance, and their
bearing on other parts of the witness’s evidence..’
[11]
Assessment of the
applicants’ factual witnesses
[224]
Guided by this legal framework I evaluate the
evidence of all the factual witnesses on credibility, reliability,
and probabilities.
Mrs
Khiba
[225]
Mrs Khiba presented as elderly, humble farm
dweller, with a demeanor that reflected her simple upbringing and
lack of formal education.
Throughout her testimony, it was clear that
she did not possess literacy skills, as she openly admitted that she
could not read
or comprehend much English. She also has poor eyesight
and cannot see very well. Despite these limitations, she came across
as
genuine and honest. She provided a detailed account of her life on
the farm, including specific names, dates, and events.
Her
emotional response, particularly when describing the loss and damage
of her property during the eviction suggests genuine distress,
which
supports the impression that she was speaking sincerely.
[226]
Mrs Khiba’s knowledge of the farm and its
people appeared intimate and personal, stemming from decades of
living there rather
than from second-hand information.
[227]
During cross-examination, several inconsistencies
in her testimony were highlighted (such as differing accounts about
the date when
she first arrived on the farm, the birth dates of the
Van Niekerk children, and details about her own pregnancy)
Counsel for the
respondents (Mr De Leeuw) emphasised discrepancies between her
affidavits and her testimony in court.
[228]
Mrs Khiba maintained her version that she is that
she is a long-term resident of Quaggafontein, having moved there in
1988. Her
detailed knowledge of local names, family relations, and
events (such as the celebration of births with a braai for the
workers)
supports the idea that she is well acquainted with life in
the farm. None of her evidence in this regard was challenged.
[229]
Her long association with the farm and the
richness of her narrative lend credibility and reliability to many
elements of her testimony,
particularly the background of living
conditions, family arrangements, and the traumatic nature of the
eviction.
Malefane
[230]
Although Malefane appeared terse and unfriendly,
he spoke very fondly of Mrs Khiba, but almost with hostility towards
the Van Niekerks.
His demeanor was calm and composed. He provided an
account that appeared earnest, authentic and consistent with his
personal experiences
growing up on the farm. His oral evidence was
detailed, reflecting his familiarity with life on the farm, and he
remained firm
even under cross-examination. This consistency in his
narrative, coupled with his straightforward manner, lends credibility
to
his account.
Tefo
[231]
Tefo displayed an open demeanor that was marked by
candour and eagerness to assist the Court, yet his testimony did not
appear rehearsed
or exaggerated. His willingness and ability to
provide thorough and detailed descriptions of events supported his
credibility,
the level of detail he shared (such as playing soccer,
shooting and fishing with the Van Niekerk boys) and the authenticity
with
which he shared it, suggested that his knowledge was derived
from personal lived experience.
[232]
He provided authentic descriptive detail regarding
his early life on the farm, his schooling, and daily interactions.
His recounting
of personal and communal memories, and the manner in
which he did so, from the suicide in the trees down to the names of
teachers,
neighbours, and even physical aspects of the homestead,
added a further layer of authenticity to his testimony. His evidence
on
these aspects remained challenged.
[233]
When he was challenged on his account of school
attendance at Zomerhoogte and Harmonia, and absence of report cards
he provided
plausible explanations (such as the demolition of the
homestead in the eviction which resulted in the loss of many
documents).
He honestly and frankly accounted for his absences
from the farm at various points and his reasons.
Malitaba
[234]
Malitaba presented as somewhat shy and unassuming.
Despite her reserved nature, she came across as honest and sincere.
Throughout
her testimony, she provided a consistent account of
events, which was corroborated by other evidence and the testimony of
previous
witnesses. She spoke with clarity, though modestly, and
appeared to be focused on relaying the truth as she understood it.
Her
responses, though simple, demonstrated a genuine effort to assist
the court and provide accurate information, lending credibility
to
her testimony.
[235]
She provided detailed and authentic descriptions
of the homestead, family activities, and furniture. She was not
challenged on her
description of any of the family’s furniture
and belongings described in the photographic evidence. When
confronted with
inconsistencies between affidavits, other documents,
and her testimony (specifically, regarding her place of birth,
Sebokeng, or
whether she was born on the farm and when she acquired
knowledge of her place of birth), she satisfactorily explains the
inconsistencies
as confusion rather than lies.
[236]
Malitaba’s narrative is marked by a strong
emotional element, particularly when discussing the forced eviction
and the loss
of cherished family items, such as their cooking pots.
Her detailed descriptions of the homestead, school arrangements, and
even
the specific roles played by various members of the farm
community (such as Mr Magidi and Henry du Preez’s arrangements
for
transportation of the children of farm workers after the school
burned down) were conveyed in a way that support that she was
recounting
her firsthand lived experience.
Mamokete Pheteng
[237]
Mamokete came across as considered, thoughtful and
straightforward. She answered questions directly, clearly
understanding the issues.
Her responses were detailed and
consistent. Despite apparent threats to her family, she made a
conscious decision to testify
to share her knowledge of the Khiba
family’s residence on the farm. She struck me as a courageous
person driven by a sense
of justice. Her demeanor was composed and
confident with a respectful tone which made her a credible witness.
Her deep familiarity
with the farm residents and their history
(Pelesa was married to her aunt, and her knowledge of the original
farm name and owners
“Ha-Fanie”) reinforced her honesty
and reliability.
Assessment of the
respondents’ factual witnesses
Lilian Elizabeth van
Niekerk (Mrs van Niekerk)
[238]
Mrs van Niekerk provided an extensive account of
her history on the farm. Her narrative was delivered in a
matter
‐
of
‐
fact
tone, suggesting that she was speaking from personal experience.
Despite the detail, there were many points where her recollection
or
knowledge was incomplete or vague. Notably, she made little to no
effort to learn or recollect people’s names or surnames.
While
this may partly be explained by ignorance, her demeanor in this
regard was generally vague and defensive, and at times evasive.
[239]
Throughout her oral evidence, she frequently
claimed an inability to recall key events or details, particularly
when questioned
about facts such as names, dates, or interactions
with individuals. This lack of recall extended even to seemingly
basic matters,
which one would reasonably expect a witness to
remember. For instance, she is uncertain about certain
identities (e.g. saying
she might recognize Mrs Khiba if she saw her,
being unsure whether “Emily” or “Augustina”
is the correct
name for one of her employees) and about specific
details (such as the exact timeline of the school burning down or who
lived on
the farm).
[240]
She also made derogatory references to black
people (referring to adult women working for her as “girls”
and the gardener
as a “boy”, further suggesting both
ignorance that is historically explained, and a bias that might have
influenced
her account. These expressions cast serious doubt on her
impartiality and reliability.
[241]
Her testimony emphasises a strict view of
residency on the farm: she asserts that only permanent workers and
their wives, and no
temporary workers, resided there.
[242]
While she provides detailed operational
information (such as her husband’s instructions to workers
after 1998 and the description
of the house where David’s
family lived), there are inconsistencies regarding personal details.
For example, she states that
David, his wife, and his mother were the
only members of the Khiba family on the farm yet later concedes that
other seasonal workers
or family members may have resided there.
[243]
Her inability to recall key dates (e.g., the exact
commencement of potato farming) or to firmly identify individuals
(e.g., whether
“Emily” or “Augustina” is
correct) suggests ignorance and weakens the overall impression of her
testimony
on disputed issues.
[244]
Her evidence about Mrs Khiba was contradictory.
She first said she did not know Mrs Khiba who had never worked on the
farm.
But she later said that she knew her from Christophil and
that she had often visited her mother sometimes staying for a week or
two at a time. These contradictions, when compared with other
witnesses’ accounts, detract from her overall reliability and
credibility on issues that are central to the dispute.
[245]
In areas that go beyond day-to-day operations (for
instance, details regarding the identities and residency of various
family members
or the exact timing of certain events), her memory is
sketchy or her knowledge very limited.
Francois van Niekerk
(Francois)
[246]
Francois’ demeanour was dismissive and
condescending. He responded to questions with an air of superiority,
often failing
to fully engage with the details put to him. His tone
suggested a lack of respect toward individuals or groups different
from himself,
hinting at deep-seated biases. He frequently deflected
questions, providing incomplete answers, as if unwilling to address
certain
facts directly. When confronted with inconsistencies, he
tended to react defensively, offering explanations that felt
contrived
or insincere, casting doubt on his overall credibility.
[247]
He testified to his long association with the
farm, claiming to have lived there since birth and providing a range
of details about
his interactions, family background, and
responsibilities. He was willing to admit gaps in his knowledge (for
example, not knowing
all names or certain family relationships of
workers on the farm) and he acknowledged that he has relied on his
mother’s
accounts for some information. At various points in
his testimony, however, he revealed deep ignorance of what was
ensuing on the
farm.
[248]
His narrative was delivered in a straightforward
manner. However, he became defensive when he challenged about
discrepancies (for
instance, his testimony on when Malefane moved
into the mud hut or his explanations regarding the cattle). His
version was repeatedly
challenged by Mr Hlapolosa by pointing to
inconsistencies between his affidavit and his oral testimony. It was
put to him that
he was not truthful in his account.
[249]
His testimony contains several internal
inconsistencies, for example: his account about Malefane is
contradictory: at one point,
he insists Malefane lived alone and
later admits his testimony about Malefane’s arrival conflicts
with his prior affidavit.
[250]
He confuses individuals (e.g. mistakenly
conflating David’s deceased brother “Paulos” with
another person of the
same name) and thereafter accepting that
David’s deceased brother Paulus is buried on the farm and
demonstrates uncertainty
about relationships and family connections.
[251]
Francois conceded gaps in his knowledge about the
occupants on the farm between 2007 and 2015 because he was not there.
He relies
on his mother for historical details. He cannot be
certain about events which occurred during this time.
[252]
His credibility is compromised by internal
contradictions and by a discernible bias toward a formal,
exclusionary interpretation
of residency that presented as contrived
and with little bearing of the lived reality of family life of those
living on the farm.
His argumentative responses on specific issues
further detract from his credibility.
Michael
[253]
Michael presented with a slight speech impediment,
which I did not consider relevant. His tone is generally matter of
fact when
describing his personal experiences, childhood activities,
his work history, and his confrontations with Malefane. However, his
testimony became less confident when recalling names and
relationships; he denies knowing certain individuals (e.g. Tefo and
Malitaba).
[254]
When pressed in cross-examination, his inability
to remember details and his inconsistent responses further affected
his initial
his apparent composure. He also openly acknowledges
certain limits in his memory (e.g. not being able to recall all the
names of
individual or specific interactions) and admits uncertainty
on points like the origin of his own name in Sesotho.
[255]
As with the other respondent witnesses, his
narrative appeared strongly influenced by his own perspective and
bias on who should
be considered legitimate residents of the farm.
Elements of his testimony appeared designed to align with Francois’
testimony,
His evidence is consistent with a version that only those
working on the farm are true residents and argues that Malefane and
Malitaba
are falsely claiming occupancy.
[256]
At some point his account is not fully coherent,
for instance, he describes his personal involvement with some
children, (e.g. playing
soccer) and driving tractors yet later states
he had limited interactions with workers’ children or certain
family groups.
These inconsistencies weaken the overall
reliability of his testimony.
[257]
He also had absences from the farm over some four
years whilst working and studying abroad which resulted in
significant gaps in
his knowledge and memory, especially about
residents and relationships before his return. His knowledge of which
Khiba family members
resided on the farm when he was a child is
inconsistent with the evidence of his mother and brother, which in
turn affects his
reliability in respect of his other childhood
memories.
Findings on
credibility, reliability and probabilities of the applicants’
version
[258]
Mrs Khiba’s detailed narrative and emotive
responses suggest she is earnest in her testimony, even though
contradictions were
noted with earlier affidavits. However, these
contradictions are not material and could be attributed in part to
her poor eyesight,
inability to read and understand affidavits due to
limited formal education.
[259]
Her long-term association with the farm and the
specificity of many details lend reliability to significant parts of
her testimony.
Her statement about Magidi calling a meeting with the
men on the farm when he stopped farming, and the subsequent
arrangement for
continued residence appears consistent and is
supported by other witnesses.
[260]
She gave a detailed description of the mud hut
where her family resided. It was made out of wood, planks and cow
dung. Common sense
dictates that such a structure would not have
withstood the vicissitudes of the weather elements from for the
period from 2005
(when Pelesa died) to 2014 when Malefane allegedly
moved in. On the probabilities, such a structure would have
required maintenance.
[261]
Equally, on the probabilities, somebody had to
take care of the elderly Matello who was 94 years old when she passed
away in 2014.
Accordingly, in terms of probabilities, many key
aspects of Mrs Khiba’s testimony appear highly plausible and
are supported
by context.
[262]
I therefore accept Mrs Khiba’s version as
credible and persuasive. Her evidence in all material respects is
corroborated by
Malefane, Tefo, Malitaba, and Mamokete. I accept
their evidence as it was also confirmed during the inspection
in
loco
when they pointed out
exactly
where the different rooms of their home were, the
gravesite, and the grazing camps amongst others. This evidence was
not challenged.
None of the van Niekerks attended the inspection
in
loco
.
Findings on
credibility, reliability and probabilities of the respondents’
version
[263]
Mrs Van Niekerk’s testimony is largely
credible when it comes to describing the day-to-day operations and
long-term practices
on the farm. Her candour in admitting gaps (e.g.,
uncertain dates or names) adds to her authenticity, yet these same
gaps and certain
contradictions (about who exactly belonged on the
farm) introduce elements of uncertainty that undermines her overall
reliability
on contested issues. The reliability of her recollections
regarding interpersonal relationships and specific contested details
is less robust and appears to be selectively framed.
[264]
She was unable to corroborate details provided by
her sons under oath and her inconsistency undermined her reliability.
Taken together
Mrs Lilian’s evasiveness, failure to recall
basic facts, lack of effort in remembering critical details, and
biased perspective
indicate that her version cannot be relied upon.
It appeared that she was either unwilling or unable to provide a
clear, reliable
account to assist the Court, and her evidence must be
treated with considerable caution
[265]
Insofar as Francois is concerned, he tried to
explain away gaps, attributing certain inconsistencies to his
absences or to misinformation
provided by his mother. While these
explanations are plausible, they do not fully resolve the
contradictions, such as the admitted
falsehood regarding Malefane’s
arrival which he conceded under cross-examination
[266]
There is a high probability that his entire
narrative, including his precise recollections of family
relationships, the complete
history of occupancy, and the exact
timing of events is contrived. He relies on secondhand information
provided by his mother whose
own recollections of people who lived on
the farm is limited at best. His long absences from the farm means
that his has limited
knowledge of the residents. He relies for his
testimony on a view of residency which is legally not correct and
which serves to
disintegrate the Khiba family structure.
[267]
Michael’s reliability on contested
historical and familial details are equally weakened by admitted gaps
in his knowledge
also as result of long absences. This selective
testimony reduces the overall probability that his narrative fully
and impartially
reflects the reality of occupancy and family
relations on the farm.
[268]
In my view, the probabilities favour the
applicants, and I accept their version as probably true. I am
satisfied that they succeeded
in discharging the onus of proof. I
reject the version of the respondents as contrived and impacted by
bias and ignorance.
The law
[269]
There is no dispute
that Quaggafontein is agricultural land.
[12]
Accordingly, the starting point is ESTA which provides statutory
protection against arbitrary eviction for occupiers of such
agricultural
land.
[13]
Section
1 of ESTA defines an “occupier” as a person residing on
land which belongs to another person, and who, has
on 4 February
1997, or thereafter had consent or another right in law to do
so”.
[14]
[270]
Consent has been defined
by Matojane AJ in
Klaase
[15]
as “express or
tacit consent of the owner or person in charge of the land”.
This is a broad definition of consent. The
Constitutional Court was
of the view that ‘tacit’ means understood or implied
without being stated. Tacit consent is
no less actual because it is
given tacitly. The question is whether there was consent. The
Court confirmed that a restricted
meaning of consent is not justified
and it is given an even wider meaning under section 3 of ESTA
[16]
to include presumed consent. The Constitutional Court
[17]
further held that a person who has continuously and openly
resided on land for a period of (a) one year shall be presumed
to
have consent to do so unless the contrary is proved, and (b) three
years shall be deemed to have done so with the knowledge
of the
owner, or the person in charge.
[271]
In the case of
Hattingh
and Others v Juta
,
[18]
the Constitutional Court recognized that the term "family"
should not be narrowly confined to immediate family
members such as
spouses and dependent children. Instead, it encompasses a wider range
of family relationships, including adult
children and other
relatives, acknowledging the diverse forms that family structures can
take. Based on these principles, Mrs Khiba’s
right to a family
life on the farm is recognized provided it is balanced with the
legitimate interests of the farm owner.
Is
Mrs Khiba an “occupier” as defined in ESTA?
[272]
Mrs Khiba’s
undisputed evidence is that she continuously “resided”
openly on the farm for many years in her own
right after the death of
her brother Pelesa, with the knowledge of the previous owner
(Magidi). This ongoing residence on the farm,
with the knowledge and
tacit approval of Mr Magidi, places her squarely within this
definition of ESTA. As illustrated above
Klaase
is authority for the
proposition that in cases like this one, where an occupier has
lived for more than the prescribed period on
the premises with
the knowledge of an owner who sits back and does not seek the
occupiers’ eviction, the ESTA presumption
and deeming provision
will favour the occupier.
[19]
[273]
The fact that Mrs Khiba left the farm from time to time to pursue
romantic relationships does not detract from her occupancy. She
consistently returned to the property, thereby maintaining her
legitimate occupancy. So did Malitaba, after her husband lost his
employment, she said her home was “warmer that her marital
home”. The Khiba children testified that they left the farm
to
attend school in other areas just like the Van Niekerk children and
their occasional departures for further education were entirely
consistent with practices observed in the Van Niekerk family, where
leaving the farm to attend school was considered normal and
acceptable. Yet, while such behaviour by the Van Niekerk was embraced
and even expected, identical actions by the Khiba family
meant that
they have abandoned their family home. The double standard smack of
bias and discrimination.
[274]
As an occupier, Mrs Khiba
is thus protected by the provisions of ESTA. An eviction order
against her should only have been granted
against if certain
conditions are met. Our courts, in a long line of cases have
confirmed the principle
that
ESTA envisages a two-stage eviction procedure.
[20]
The first is a notice terminating the occupier’s right to
reside in terms of section 8.
[21]
The second is notice of eviction in terms of section 9 (2) (d).
[22]
An ESTA occupier may only be evicted under an order of Court granted
in circumstances where the requirements of section 9 of ESTA
are met.
[275]
In this case it is clear that the rights of the
Khiba family were not terminated in accordance with ESTA.
The
whole family were evicted when the order that was granted by the
Magistrate’s Court under PIE operated only against Malefane.
No eviction order was granted against Mrs Khiba. The
respondents should have pursued an eviction under ESTA citing
each
member of the family separately.
The position of
Malitaba, Malefane and Tefo
[276]
All three testified that they left the farm to
attend school and thereafter returned home. After school, Malitaba
got married and
lived with her husband on Jakkalsfontein until he
lost his job. She returned to her family home in 2016. Tefo went to
work in QwaQwa,
for a year or two at a time, but still considered the
farm his home and returned to it when not working. That he found work
in
nearby QwaQwa, a former homeland and where he had finished school,
may be understood in light of our history. Malefane never left
the
farm.
[277]
They
have always regarded the farm as their permanent home. The place
where they “reside’. While this term is objective
in its
meaning, it has been interpreted by the courts to reflect the
socio-economic realities of farm dwellers. In
Nkosi
[23]
AJP Meer analysed the relevant jurisprudence
[24]
and concluded that:
‘
Economic
necessity
and dire poverty in South Africa have over the years fostered a
system of labour migrancy where individuals leave their
homes to
become units of labour, living in compounds and hostels, be it on the
mines or elsewhere. They however return to their
physical homes and
families on a regular basis, thereby exhibiting an intention to
return to their place of residence. Whilst they
may be forced through
economic necessity to spend their working life elsewhere, this does
not equate to their giving up their place
of residence or homes.’
[25]
[278]
I
accordingly conclude that Malefane, Malitaba and Tefo have
demonstrated that they are occupiers under ESTA. However, even
if I am not correct in that regard, they would be entitled to stay
with Mrs Khiba as an incident of her right to family life.
[26]
The PIE eviction
Third Point
in
limine:
Jurisdiction
[279]
The respondents contend that this application is flawed as it fails
to establish the Land Court’s jurisdiction for the following
reasons:
a.
A final eviction order under the PIE Act was granted against
Malefane which remains unvaried and unrescinded.
b.
The Land Court lacks jurisdiction under PIE to declare a person an
unlawful occupier since PIE only grants jurisdiction to
the High
Court and Magistrate's Court. The applicants seek relief under the
ESTA, but the Magistrate's Court in Ficksburg has already
ruled on
the eviction.
c.
The First, Third, and Fourth Applicants never resided on the farm,
and the final eviction order covers any occupiers holding
occupancy
through the 2nd Applicant.
The
unrescinded eviction order granted under PIE
[280]
In the case of
Department
of Transport and Others v Tasima (Pty) Limited,
[27]
the Constitutional Court dealt with complex issues related to the
validity of court orders and their subsequent effects on other
judicial proceedings. The case primarily centered around the
continuation of a contract for the management of the Electronic
National
Traffic Information System (eNaTIS), which was extended
under contentious circumstances.
[281]
The Constitutional Court concluded that that even if a court order is
later found to be based on invalid grounds (such as an unlawful
contract extension), it remains effective and binding until it is set
aside. This principle is rooted in the need for legal certainty
and
the rule of law. The proper procedural recourse must be followed to
challenge and set aside an invalid court order. Parties
must approach
the courts to have such orders rescinded or reviewed. The
Constitutional Court thus in
Tasima
reinforced the principle
that court orders, even if based on invalid acts or decisions, remain
effective and binding until properly
set aside.
Does the Land Court
have jurisdiction in this matter?
[282]
ESTA grants the Land
Court broad jurisdiction to adjudicate matters concerning the rights
of occupiers. Section 20 of ESTA explicitly
states that the Land
Court has jurisdiction over all matters arising from ESTA, which
includes disputes about the restoration of
rights. Section 14 of ESTA
provides the right to seek relief, including the restoration of
rights, for those unlawfully evicted
or those whose tenure rights
have been unlawfully infringed upon.
[28]
[283]
Although PIE specifically grants jurisdiction to the High Court and
Magistrate's Court for eviction matters, ESTA provides a concurrent
jurisdictional framework where issues of tenure security and unlawful
eviction are concerned. The relief sought by the applicants
under
section 14 of ESTA is distinct from the original eviction order under
PIE; it pertains to the restoration of their tenure
rights, which
fall squarely within the Land Court’s jurisdiction.
[284]
The applicants are not merely contesting the eviction itself but are
seeking to have their rights as occupiers restored, as guaranteed
under ESTA. This request for restoration of rights is fundamentally a
matter for the Land Court and within its jurisdiction.
[285]
The relief sought includes ensuring that the eviction was lawful and
that their rights under ESTA were not infringed upon. Given
that the
Land Court, with its broader remedial jurisdiction, is empowered to
oversee and rectify issues of tenure security and
unlawful eviction
under ESTA, it is the appropriate forum for this matter. The failure
by the Ficksburg
Magistrate’s Court to
consider the impact of the eviction order on all those residing under
the second respondent (Malefane)
amounts to a procedural defect. ESTA
protections were not considered.
[286]
Section 24 (1)(c) of the Land Court Act 6 of 2023 (Land Court Act)
states that the Court has the power to decide any issue in terms
of
any other law
, which is not ordinarily within its jurisdiction
but is sufficiently connected to a matter within its jurisdiction, if
the Court
considers it in the interests of justice to do so.
What is the meaning of
“any other law”?
[287]
Section 7 of the Land Court Act states that the Land Court has
jurisdiction "in respect of all matters in terms of this Act
or
any other law to be determined by the Court". This phrase "any
other law" can be interpreted broadly or narrowly.
On a broad
interpretation it may include all laws that relate to the subject
matter the Land Court is designed to address, such
as tenure
security, land reform and restitution.
[288]
Such
a broad approach to was adopted by the Constitutional Court in
Government of the Republic of South Africa v Grootboom
2001 (1) SA
46
(CC)
where the Court advanced a progressive view of
interpreting socio-economic rights.
[289]
Alternatively, "any other law" might be interpreted
narrowly to mean laws specifically mentioned or directly related
to
the Land Court Act’s primary purpose. The preamble of the Land
Court Act notes that “
it
is necessary that land reform in its entirety be accelerated in
a lawful and equitable manner, guided by
progressive
jurisprudenc
e”.
Progressive jurisprudence is designed to breathe life into the
foundational aspirations of the Constitution.
[290]
In this context, progressive jurisprudence refers a judicial
approach that aims to advance social justice, equity, and the
redress
of historical injustices. Such an approach mandates a consideration
of overlapping forms of
oppression
on the grounds of age, race, gender and culture. Mrs Khiba, as a
black, elderly, woman farm dweller is uniquely
situated at the
focal point where these exceptionally powerful and prevalent systems
of oppression come together, resulting in
gender specific, and race
specific harm.
[291]
This Court
has a unique mandate as a court of law and equity.
It
is enjoined to promote the ideal of access to land on an
equitable basis and to facilitate land justice through transformative
constitutionalism. Accordingly, a contextual, purposive approach to
interpreting the phrase "any other law" demands
an
interpretation to include all laws that relate to the subject matter
the Land Court is designed to address.
[292]
When a statute like the PIE Act, directly affects land tenure and the
protection of occupiers’ rights (as safeguarded under
ESTA), it
becomes reasonable to conclude that the Land Court’s
jurisdiction extends to reviewing such orders. The statutory
language
supports an interpretation where the court is empowered to address
any law that impacts the core subject matter of land
reform and
tenure security.
Can the Land Court set
aside the PIE judgment?
[293]
Under
the provisions of the Land Court Act, the Court
is
a Superior Court that has the authority, inherent powers and
standing, in relation to matters under its jurisdiction, equal to
that which a Division of the High Court of South Africa has in terms
of the Superior Courts Act in relation to matters under its
jurisdiction;
“
Inherent
jurisdiction” is a discretionary power possessed by the
Superior Courts in South Africa. It is described as the unwritten
power without which the Court is unable to function with justice and
good reason.”
[29]
[294]
Section 173 of the Constitution provides that
“
the Constitutional Court, the
Supreme Court of Appeal and the High Court of South Africa each has
the inherent power to protect
and regulate their own processes, and
to develop the common law, taking into account the interests of
justice’.
This inherent power enables the court to
review and correct errors even in cases where the statute appears to
limit its scope.
Such powers have been recognized under the broader
constitutional framework, ensuring that the courts can fill gaps
where strict
statutory interpretation might otherwise lead to
injustice.
[295]
Under ESTA, an eviction order is permissible only if the occupier’s
right of residence has been terminated on lawful, just
and equitable
grounds in terms of sections 8 and 9. In Mrs Khiba’s
case, there is no evidence of any valid termination
of her residence,
as no steps were taken to rescind or negate her right of occupancy.
[296]
When an eviction order under PIE potentially violates the protections
offered by ESTA, there is a compelling constitutional rationale
to
expand the Land Court’s jurisdiction. This expansion is not
arbitrary; it is rooted in the need to reconcile conflicting
statutory provisions to protect fundamental rights.
[297]
The PIE application to
evict the Khiba family represents a misapplication of the law. It
effectively circumvents the statutory protections
afforded to
occupiers under ESTA.
Therefore,
the Land Court is empowered under section 27(b) of the Land Court Act
to set aside the PIE order that was granted as
a result of an obvious
error.
[30]
Conclusion and relief
[298]
At the heart of this
matter lies the contention that PIE was incorrectly used to
circumvent the protections of ESTA. This unlawful
eviction of an
elderly farm dweller and her family during the height of the COVID-19
pandemic, involving the demolition of their
mud hut and the
destruction and removal of their belongings, represents a grave
violation of multiple fundamental rights guaranteed
under the
Constitution. It infringes on her right to human dignity, adequate
housing, and security of tenure.
[31]
[299]
The eviction was preceded by the impounding and loss of the family
cattle but it has not been demonstrated in these proceedings
that
those events were part of the eviction process. What is demonstrated
is that the applicants had the right to use grazing land
comprising
three grazing camps as part of the consent to occupy. That must
be restored.
[300]
The cattle impoundment,
however, cannot merely be overlooked. Given our history of systemic
inequality and land dispossession, such
actions perpetuate historical
injustices and continue to undermine the transformative ideals of the
Constitution. This requires
a judicial approach that seeks to
protect land rights and turn the tide on the legacy of
inequality and marginalization
that still plagues the majority of the
population. The history of land and cattle dispossession is
intimately connected in
our history.
[32]
The unlawful impoundment of cattle can constitute a constructive
eviction or otherwise form part of an unlawful eviction.
However, that case was not pleaded or made out. In these
circumstances, no order is made in respect of that part of the relief
sought
[33]
[301]
My conclusion is that that the Khiba family was unlawfully evicted
and should be restored to their homestead on the farm. Any relief
should deter future violations.
[302]
In
this regard I am guided by Ngcukaitobi AJ in
Sibanyoni
v Hotlzhauzen
[34]
where he referred to the principles enunciated in
Hoffman
v South African Airways
[35]
explaining that appropriate relief should contain these features:
‘
The
determination of appropriate relief, therefore, calls for the
balancing of the various interests that might be affected by the
remedy. The balancing process must at least be guided by the
objective, first, to address the wrong occasion by the infringement
of the constitutional right; second, to deter future violations;
third, to make an order that can be complied with; and fourth,
of
fairness to all those who might be affected by the relief.’
[36]
The
Khiba family have demonstrated a clear right to residence on the farm
and the use of land, that has been infringed, due to the
unlawful
actions of the respondents. They suffered actual harm as confirmed
during oral evidence. Section 14 of ESTA provides a
remedy in these
circumstances.
[303]
With regard to the issue of costs, the practice of
this Court is generally not to award costs as it deals with
inherently social
justice matters which requires it not to unduly
burden indigent litigants. However, there are exceptions to this
rule. This is
such an exceptional case where incorrect legislation
was used as a legal maneuver, designed to circumvent statutory
protections,
and to evict vulnerable farm dwellers. An award of costs
against the respondents is to express the displeasure of the Court
and
to deter future abuse in similar cases.
[304]
Order
1.
The eviction of the First, Third and Fourth Applicants on 6 November
2020 is declared unlawful.
2.
The above-mentioned Applicants’
rights of residence and use of land on the farm Quaggafontein 208,
District Ficksburg, Free
State Province (the farm) are restored in
terms of
section 14
of the
Extension of Security of Tenure Act 62 of
1997
in the following terms:
2.1.
The aforementioned Applicants are restored access to their
homestead site and other land used on the farm within
14 days from
date of this order.
2.2.
The
First and Second Respondents are ordered to take such steps as are
necessary to reconstruct the demolished residential home
within one month from the date of this order.
2.3.
The Applicants’ occupation rights and rights to use land as
previously allocated prior to eviction are hereby restored.
2.4.
The Applicants’ services and amenities enjoyed such as
access to wood, fetching water, livestock grazing and all
other
access as previously granted are hereby restored.
3.
The Applicants are entitled to just and
equitable compensation in respect of damage to movable property as
agreed or to be determined
by the Court.
4.
There is no order in respect of
compensation for the loss of cattle.
5.
There is no order in respect of the
Second Applicant.
6.
The First and Second Respondents are
directed to pay the Applicants’ costs of suit, jointly and
severally, the one paying
the other to be absolved.
Cowen DJP
[305]
I have read the judgment of my sister Mabasa AJ.
I am in agreement with the order she makes. Our points of difference
are
limited and can be dealt with briefly. I deal first with evidence
and its evaluation and thereafter with legal matters.
[306]
I am in substantial agreement with the manner in
which my sister broadly sets out the witness’ evidence, mindful
that not
all testimony considered is reflected and at times the
recordal reflects summary.
[307]
I too
have considered the evidence in light of the case law referred to in
the section headed ‘Evaluation of the oral evidence’.
In
evaluating the evidence, I am in broad agreement with the findings in
paragraphs 225 to 237 regarding the evidence of the applicants.
I
would merely highlight that I have given consideration to each of the
inconsistencies (internal or otherwise) highlighted by
Mr de Leeuw in
his cross-examination and the witness’ explanation and
demeanour when dealing with these. In light of
Petersen,
[37]
the
inconsistencies, whether viewed in isolation or cumulatively, are not
of the sort that undermined any witness’ evidence
and were
adequately explained.
[308]
I
decline to make credibility findings against Mrs van Niekerk
impugning her truthfulness. To the extent that my sister’s
evaluation of evidence may be regarded as doing so, I respectfully
disagree. In
SARFU,
the
Constitutional Court held:
[38]
‘
The
institution of cross-examination not only constitutes a right; it
also imposes certain obligations. As a general rule
it is
essential, when it is intended to suggest that a witness is not
speaking the truth on a particular point, to direct the witness’s
attention to the fact by questions put in cross-examination showing
that the imputation intended to be made to afford the witness
an
opportunity, while still in the witness-box, of giving any
explanation open to the witness and of defending his or her
character.
If a point in dispute is left unchallenged in
cross-examination, the party calling the witness is entitled to
assume that the unchallenged
witness’s testimony is accepted as
corrected. This rule was enunciated by the House of Lords in
Browne
v Dunn
and
has been adopted and consistently followed by our courts.’
[309]
At various points, Mr Hlapolosa put imputations
regarding truthfulness to Francois in respect of certain testimony.
He also put
to Francois that his entire testimony was aimed at
isolating and disintegrating the residency and occupancy rights of
the Khiba
family, which Francois did not dispute. In my view, Mr
Hlapolosa’s latter imputation was correctly framed and
pertinently
put to the witness. As to Francois’ overall
credibility, it is possible that Francois may genuinely believe the
factual version
that he advanced about the Khiba family’s
residence patterns, even if highly contrived. But if he does, it
merely manifests
a deep ignorance and absence of knowledge about the
lived realities of those living on Quaggafontein and their family
lives and
economic realities. It also reveals an absence of knowledge
of the correct legal position about the residence rights that ESTA
confers in view of South Africa’s history of land and cattle
dispossession.
[310]
I accept the evidence of Malitaba, Malefane, Tefo
and Mamokete as credible and reliable in all material aspects.
The evidence
in my view both corroborates Mrs Khiba’s evidence,
is mutually corroborative and may be independently accepted.
[311]
I am unable to agree with my sister’s
reliance in paragraph 262 on the inspection
in
loco
and pointings out made at that
time to support their evidence. It is not uncommon for this
Court to conduct inspections
in loco
,
which can serve valuable purposes. They are usually done prior to or
during a trial. They are usually minuted, as in this case.
During the course of an inspection it is customary for counsel or an
attorney to point out places or things that will be, or were
referred
to during evidence and material locations may be marked with the
assistance of GPS markers or maps. Photographs may also
be taken.
At
the least, the inspection will assist the Court to place the written
and oral evidence that is given at trial in a context and
to make
spatial or physical sense of it. The minute will form part of the
record of the trial. The minute and related maps and
photographs may
well be referred to during evidence by witnesses and may be a source
of material for cross-examination. Although
it can happen that a
prospective witness or other person may point out a place or thing
during an inspection, this is not, in my
experience, done under oath
and the practice can lead to difficulties with fairness in evaluating
evidence. The difficulties become
more acute given the complexities
that arise when those pointing out are speaking in a language other
than the language of record
and without the assistance of a sworn
interpreter. In this regard, it is frequently the case that between
parties, attorneys, counsel
and judicial officers, several languages
are in play in a trial, a reality of Land Court litigation which
requires careful management
in accordance with the prescripts of the
Constitution and mindful of our history in respect of language.
[312]
In this case, the inspection was conducted after
the trial, with reference to a map and certain distances were noted.
The Van Niekerks
were not present and neither was their counsel.
There was nothing that was pointed out during the inspection that
altered my evaluation
of the evidence during the trial. From a trial
perspective, it only served to place the evidence in a spatial
context, which in
event was largely achieved with the map then
supplied. Had the inspection
in loco
had any material bearing on my evaluation of the
evidence at trial, fairness would, in my view, have required that
this be duly
raised with the parties through their representatives.
In this case, the inspection was also arranged with a secondary
purpose,
being to facilitate interaction between the Department of
Agriculture, Land Reform and Rural Development which has
constitutional
and statutory responsibilities in respect of securing
tenure under
inter alia
section 4 of ESTA, and the parties. In this
regard, it is regrettable that the Van Niekerks did not attend.
[313]
I
agree with the conclusion that each of the applicants have
demonstrated that they resided on the farm and enjoyed the
protections
of ESTA as occupiers having regard to the decision of the
Constitutional Court in
Klaase.
In
each case, the applicant commenced their residence as family members,
in Mrs Khiba’s case, of Pelesa.
[39]
[314]
In my view, Mrs Khiba became an occupier in her
own right well before the death of Pelesa having lived openly and
continuously on
the farm for many years from 1988. The arrangements
put in place after Pelesa’s death with Mr Van Niekerk served
merely to
confirm her residency status and moreover confirmed that
she was the person in charge of the family cattle on the three
grazing
camps. I agree with my sister that Mrs Khiba’s stays
off the farm to pursue romantic relationship did not affect her
residency
status and the further findings in paragraph 273. I also
agree with the findings and conclusions of my sister in respect of
Malitaba,
Malefane and Tefo.
[315]
I
differ with my sister in respect of one primary point of law being
whether this Court can entertain the relief sought in respect
of
Malefane in circumstances where there is an order of the Magistrates
Court pursuant to which he was evicted. None of the
other
applicants were cited in those proceedings as they should have
been.
[40]
[316]
This
case is a case that was brought under section 14 of ESTA and the
relief granted is granted pursuant thereto.
[41]
In
circumstances where the First, Third and Fourth Applicants were not
cited in the Magistrates Court proceedings and no order was
granted
against them, there is nothing precluding this Court from granting
them the relief that they seek. This is in the exercise
of this
Court’s ordinary jurisdiction.
[317]
In my
view, different considerations apply to the Second Applicant,
Malefane. Although this Court has jurisdiction to
review
and set aside the order of the Magistrates Court in terms of section
20(1)(c) of ESTA,
[42]
that
relief was not sought in the notice of motion. That order remains
effective and binding and considerations relating to the
rule of law
and legal certainty require this Court to recognize that.
[43]
The
consequence, in my view, is that, at least at this stage, this Court
cannot exercise its jurisdiction to grant relief in favour
of
Malefane, whether of a declaratory nature or under section 14. In
making no order on this issue, however, the door remains open
to
Malefane to secure relief in due course.
[44]
I pause to note that the mere fact that the order granted does not
operate in Malefane’s favour does not preclude Mrs
Khiba (or
him) from exercising his rights to family right provided that is done
in a manner that is consistent with section 6 of
ESTA. As this
is the view I take of the matter, and while I concur in the order
made, I reach this conclusion on a different
basis to my sister.
[45]
[318]
Finally, in respect of costs, I agree with my
sister that this is an exceptional case where costs should be awarded
notwithstanding
the usual practice in this Court. In my view,
there is insufficient information before this court to conclude that
the PIE
order was sought as a ‘legal maneuver designed to
circumvent statutory protections’. However, what is clear is
that
where evictions are sought under PIE but ESTA applies, this can
result not only in tenure insecurity but profoundly damaging
consequences
for vulnerable occupiers. It results in a perpetuation
of our past and not its remedy.
[319]
Those
who own or who are in control of farms must be familiar with the
requirements of ESTA which governs residence of others on
their farms
and its umbilical link to the Constitution. What is clear in this
case is that the First and Second Respondents are
unfamiliar with
ESTA’s requirements, how residency is determined, and the
import of seminal Constitutional Court decisions
such as
Klaase
and
Hattingh.
A
person who seeks to obtain an eviction under PIE on land that is
subject to ESTA’s requirements under section 2 must act
with
great caution. In this regard, orders under PIE are not subject to
the automatic review jurisdiction of this Court.
[46]
It is
wholly unjust to require ESTA occupiers, in this case an entire
family including an elderly woman over the age of 60 who has
resided
for a very long time on the farm, to rely on section 14 of ESTA where
the very purpose of ESTA is to prevent their arbitrary
eviction in
the first place. Thus, where occupiers are forced to assert their
section 14 rights in circumstances where it is clear
that a landowner
or person in charge is not aware of the legal requirements or who is
residing on their farms, it should come as
no surprise that this
Court expresses its displeasure by awarding costs.
D
MABASA
Acting
Judge of the Land Court
S
COWEN
Judge
of the Land Court
APPEARANCES:
For the applicants:
Mr T T Hlapolosa
Instructed by: T. T
Hlapolosa Inc Attorneys
For First and Second
Respondents: Adv R De Leeuw
Instructed by: GJ Botha
Du Toit, Louw Botha Attorneys
[1]
Due to
the
Sesotho pronunciation the spelling of this name (and others) may be
slightly different in other parts of the judgment. (e.g.
Malitaba as
Mmaditaba, or variations of the name Magied as Magidi or Thabiso).
The names of places are also spelled differently
e.g. Somerhoogte as
Zomerhoogte, or Christophil as Christofeel on the record.
[2]
Opposing
Affidavit para 60.
[3]
Volume
5, p202.
(see
r,34).
[4]
Page
142 of the Record.
[5]
National
Employers’ General Insurance Co LTD v Jagers
1984
(4) SA 437 (E).
[6]
Ibid at 440D-G.
[7]
Stellenbosch
Farmers' Winery Group Ltd. and Another v Martell & Cie SA and
Others
2003
(1) SA 11
(SCA)
.
[8]
Ibid para 5.
[9]
President
of the Republic of South Africa and Others v South African Rugby
Football Union and Others
2000
(1) SA 1
(CC)
(SARFU).
[10]
Petersen
and Another v Minister of Safety & Security
[2010]
1 All SA 19
(SCA) (Petersen) paras 6-7
[11]
S
v Oosthuizen
1982
(3) SA 571(T)
at 576G- H cited with approval in
Petersen
supra
10.
[12]
As
contemplated by section 2 of ESTA.
[13]
Sterklewies
(Pty) Ltd t/a Harrismith Feedlot v Msimanga and Others
2012
(5) SA 392
(SCA) para 3.
[14]
Section 1
of the
Extension of Security of Tenure Act 62 of 1997
.
There was agreement that the Court may accept that the applicants do
not earn in excess of the prescribed amount as contemplated
by the
definition of occupier.
[15]
Klaase
and Another v van der Merwe N.O. and Others
2016
(6) SA 131
(CC)
(Klaase)
para
49
.
[16]
3.
Consent to reside on land
(1) Consent to an
occupier to reside on or use land shall only be terminated in
accordance with the provisions of
section 8.
(2) If a person who
resided on or used land on 4 February 1997 previously did so with
consent, and such consent was lawfully withdrawn
prior to that date-
(a) that person shall be
deemed to be an occupier, provided that he or she has resided
continuously on that land since consent
was withdrawn; and
(b) the withdrawal of
consent shall be deemed to be a valid termination of the right of
residence in terms of
section 8
, provided that it was just and
equitable, having regard to the provisions of
section 8.
(3) For the purposes of
this Act, consent to a person to reside on land shall be effective
regardless of whether the occupier,
owner or person in charge has to
obtain some other official authority required by law for such
residence.
(4) For the purposes of
civil proceedings in terms of this Act, a person who has
continuously and openly resided on land for a
period of one year
shall be presumed to have consent unless the contrary is proved.
(5) For the purposes of
civil proceedings in terms of this Act, a person who has
continuously and openly resided on land for a
period of three years
shall be deemed to have done so with the knowledge of the owner or
person in charge.
(6) The provisions of
subsections (4) and (5) shall not be applicable to any land held by
or registered in the name of the State
or an institution or
functionary exercising powers on behalf of the State.
[17]
Klaase
supra
n 15 para 59.
[18]
2013
(3) SA 275
(CC)
(Hattingh).
[19]
Klaase
supra n 15 para 54.
[20]
Aquarius
Platinum (SA) (Pty) v Bonene and Others
[2020]
2 All SA 323
(SCA)
,
Snyders and Others v De Jager and Others
2017
(3) SA 545
(CC)
and
Maluleke N.O. v Sibanyoni and Others
[2022]
ZASCA 40.
[21]
8.
Termination of right of residence
(1)
Subject to the provisions of this section, an occupier’s right
of residence may be terminated on any lawful ground,
provided that
such termination is just and equitable, having regard to all
relevant factors and in particular to-
(a)
the fairness of any agreement, provision in an agreement, or
provision of law on which the owner or person in charge relies;
(b)
the conduct of the parties giving rise to the termination;
(c)
the interests of the parties, including the comparative hardship to
the owner or person in charge, the occupier concerned,
and any other
occupier if the right of residence is or is not terminated;
(d)
the existence of a reasonable expectation of the renewal of the
agreement from which the right of residence arises, after
the
effluxion of its time; and
(e)
the fairness of the procedure followed by the owner or person in
charge, including whether or not the occupier had or should
have
been granted an effective opportunity to make representations before
the decision was made to terminate the right of residence.
[22]
9.
Limitation on eviction
(1)
Notwithstanding the provisions of any other law, an occupier may be
evicted only in terms of an order of the Court issued
under this
Act.
(2)
The Court may make an order for the eviction of an occupier if
(a)
the occupier’s right of residence has been terminated in terms
of section 8;
(b)
the occupier has not vacated the land within the period of notice
given by the owner or person in charge;
(c)
the conditions for an order for eviction in terms of section 10 or
11 have been complied with; and (d) the owner or person
in charge
has, after the termination of the right of residence, given-
(i)
the occupier;
(ii)
the municipality in whose area of jurisdiction the land in question
is situated; and
(iii)
the head of the relevant provincial office of the Department of
Rural Development and Land Reform, for information purposes,
not
less than two calendar months’ written notice of the intention
to obtain an order for eviction, which notice shall
contain the
prescribed particulars and set out the grounds on which the eviction
is based: Provided that if a notice of application
to the Court has,
after the termination of the right of residence, been given to the
occupier, the municipality and the head
of the relevant provincial
office of the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform not
less than two months before the
date of the commencement of the
hearing of the application, this paragraph shall be deemed to have
been complied with.
For
the purposes of subsection (2)(c), the Court must request a
probation officer contemplated in section 1 of the Probation
Services Act, 1991 (Act No. 116 of 1991), or an officer of the
department or any other officer in the employment of the State,
as
may be determined by the Minister, to submit a report within a
reasonable period-
(a)
on the availability of suitable alternative accommodation to the
occupier;
(b)
indicating how an eviction will affect the constitutional rights of
any affected person, including the rights of the children,
if any,
to education;
(c)
pointing out any undue hardships which an eviction would cause the
occupier; and
(d)
on any other matter as may be prescribed
[23]
Nkosi
and Another v Zandspruit Trust and Others [2022] ZALCC 13.
[24]
See
Mkwanazi
v Bivane Bosbou (Pty) Ltd and another; Msimango v De Villiers and
another; Ngema and others v Van der Walt and another;
Mdletshe v
Nxumalo and others
[1999]
1 All SA 59
(LCC), cited
with
approval
in
Kiepersol Poultry Farm (Pty) Ltd v Phasiya
[2009]
JOL 24295
(SCA) this Court held:
"The
word "reside" has not acquired any technical content and
can have a wide variety of meanings. In
each
case, it must be determined what meaning the legislature had in
mind. The following content given to the word "reside"
by
Baker J in the matter of
Barrie NO v Ferris and another,
where
it was used in a will, conforms in my view to what the legislature
intended by using the word "residing" in the
definition of
labour tenant:
'"Reside'
means that a person has his home at the place mentioned. It is his
place of abode, the place where he sleeps after
the work of the day
is done ... It does not include one' s weekend cottage unless one is
residing there ... The essence of the
word is the notion of
'permanent
home'
In
Nhlabathi and others v Fick
[2003] 2 All SA 323
(LCC) at
paragraph 40, this Court held that "a person resides on land if
he considers the land to be his permanent home."
In
Mathebula
and another v Harry
2016 (5) SA 534
(LCC), the term was analysed
within the social context of the Act and the social and economic,
concerns which prevail in our
society. At paragraphs 21 and 22, the
Court stated:
"The
meaning of "reside" as used in section 6(2)( dA) should
not depend on mathematical formulas, such as how many
days in a week
a person spends on a particular farm. Nor should it depend on the
subjective views of the owner of the land or
the occupier. In
determining whether a person is resident, there should at least be a
degree of actual physical presence. But
this need not necessarily be
continuous. Importantly, the court should accept that actual
physical presence may be interrupted
by economic factors, such as
employment. Where this is the case, there must at least be an
intention - exhibited by conduct -
to return on a permanent basis to
one's residence. It is wrong to assume, in all instances, that
simply because one lives elsewhere
out of economic necessity, that
fact should ipso facto exclude their residence on a particular farm.
[25]
Nkosi
supra
n
23 para 10.
[26]
Hattingh
supra
n
18
para
40.
[27]
2017 (2) SA 622
(CC)
.
[28]
14 Restoration of
residence and use of land and payment of damages
(1)
A person who has been evicted contrary to the provisions of this Act
may institute proceedings in the Court for an order in
terms of
subsection (3).
(2)
A person who- (a) would have had a right to reside on land in terms
of section 6 if the provisions of this Act had been in
force on 4
February 1997; and (b) was evicted for any reason or by any process
between 4 February 1997 and the commencement of
this Act, may
institute proceedings in the Court for an order in terms of
subsection (3)
(3)
In proceedings in terms of subsection (1) or (2) the court may,
subject to the conditions that it may impose, make an order-
(a)
for the restoration of residence on and use of land by the person
concerned, on such terms as it deems just;
(b)
for the repair, reconstruction or replacement of any building,
structure, installation or thing that was peacefully occupied
or
used by the person immediately prior to his or her eviction, in so
far as it was damaged, demolished or destroyed during or
after such
eviction;
(c)
for the restoration of any services to which the person had a right
in terms of section 6;
(d)
for the payment of compensation contemplated in section 13;
(e)
for the payment of damages, including but not limited to damages for
suffering or inconvenience caused by the eviction; and
(f)
for costs.
(4)
Where the person contemplated in subsection (2) was evicted in terms
of an order of the Court-
(a)
the proceedings contemplated in subsection (1) shall be instituted
within one year of the commencement of this Act; and
(b)
the court shall in addition to any other factor which it deems just
and equitable, take into account-
(i)
whether the order of eviction would have been granted if the
proceedings had been instituted after the commencement of this
Act;
and
(ii)
whether the person ordered to be evicted was effectively represented
in those proceedings, either by himself or herself or
by another
person.
[29]
Taitz, J The Inherent Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court (1985, Juta)
1.
[30]
27. Variation
and rescission of orders of Court
The
Court may, on application of any person affected thereby, or acting
of its own accord in cases falling under paragraph (b),
and subject
to the rules, vary or rescind any judgment or order—
(a)
erroneously sought or erroneously granted in the absence of the
person against whom that judgment or order was
granted;
(b) in
which there is an ambiguity, or an obvious error or omission, but
only to the extent of that ambiguity, error or omission;
(c)
which was void from its inception or was obtained by fraud or
mistake common to the parties; or
(d)
in respect of which no appeal lies,
[31]
Port
Elizabeth Municipality v Various Occupiers
2005
(1) SA 217 (CC).
[32]
Sibanyoni
v Holtzhauzen and Others
[2019]
ZALCC 12.
[33]
Rule
33(9).
[34]
Supra n 32.
[35]
2001(1)
SA 1 (CC) para 45
[36]
Sibanyoni
supra
n 32
para
104.
[37]
Supra
n 10 and 11.
[38]
Supra
n 9 para 61.
[39]
Hattingh
supra
n 18.
[40]
City of
Cape Town v Yawa and Others
[2004]
2 All SA 281
(C)
;
Illegal Occupiers of Various Erven, Philippi v Monwood Investment
Trust Company (Pty) Ltd and others
[2002]
1 All SA 115 (C).
[41]
14
Restoration of residence and use of land and payment of damages
(1)
A person who has been evicted contrary to the provisions of this Act
may institute proceedings in the Court for an order in
terms of
subsection (3).
(2)
A person who- (a) would have had a right to reside on land in terms
of section 6 if the provisions of this Act had been in
force on 4
February 1997; and (b) was evicted for any reason or by any process
between 4 February 1997 and the commencement of
this Act, may
institute proceedings in the Court for an order in terms of
subsection (3)
(3)
In proceedings in terms of subsection (1) or (2) the court may,
subject to the conditions that it may impose, make an order-
(a)
for the restoration of residence on and use of land by the person
concerned, on such terms as it deems just;
(b)
for the repair, reconstruction or replacement of any building,
structure, installation or thing that was peacefully occupied
or
used by the person immediately prior to his or her eviction, in so
far as it was damaged, demolished or destroyed during or
after such
eviction;
(c)
for the restoration of any services to which the person had a right
in terms of section 6;
(d)
for the payment of compensation contemplated in section 13;
(e)
for
the payment of damages, including but not limited to
damages for suffering or inconvenience caused by the eviction; and
f)
for costs.
(4)
Where the person contemplated in subsection (2) was evicted in terms
of an order of the Court-
(a)
the proceedings contemplated in subsection (1) shall be instituted
within one year of the commencement of this Act; and
(b)
the court shall in addition to any other factor which it deems just
and equitable, take into account-
(i)
whether the order of eviction would have been granted if the
proceedings had been instituted after the commencement of this
Act;
and
(ii)
whether the person ordered to be evicted was effectively represented
in those proceedings, either by himself or herself or
by another
person.
[42]
Skhosana
and Others v C D Roos t/a Roos Se Oord and Others
[1999]
ZALCC 22
para 13.
[43]
Tasima
supra
n
27.
[44]
Rule
33(9).
[45]
In paragraphs 279 to 297 of the judgment.
[46]
Sentrale
Karoo Distriksraad v Roman, Sentrale Karoo Distriksraad v Koopman ;
Sentrale Karoo Distriksraad v Krotz
[2000]
ZALCC 5
para
5.
sino noindex
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